PSIR Paper 2 PYQs (2017 – 2024)
Categorized by Syllabus Modules
[2024] Discuss the interpretive approach to the study of comparative politics. *(10m)*
Introduction
The interpretive approach in comparative politics focuses on how individuals assign meaning to political actions and institutions. As Charles Taylor observed, “The understanding of human behavior must come from within, not from outside observation.”
Body
This approach rejects positivist methods and emphasizes understanding political phenomena through context and subjective interpretation. It draws on hermeneutics and Clifford Geertz’s idea of “thick description” to explore how meanings are embedded in culture. Interpretive scholars use qualitative tools like ethnography, interviews, and historical narratives to uncover how actors understand power, legitimacy, and participation. Max Weber’s “Verstehen” approach exemplifies this, urging empathetic understanding of social action. It is especially useful in studying identity politics, local traditions, and legitimacy in developing societies. However, it is often criticized for its lack of generalizability and objectivity, as it favors context-specific insights over broad theories.
Conclusion
Though limited in prediction, the interpretive approach adds depth to comparative politics by revealing how people construct political meanings in their contexts.
[2023] What are the crucial functions of empirical political theory in Comparative Politics? *(10m)*
Introduction:
Empirical political theory seeks to explain political realities through observable facts and data. It focuses on “what is” rather than “what ought to be.”
Body:
Empirical theory plays a vital role in identifying patterns, forming hypotheses, and generating generalizable laws in political science. It promotes objective analysis by detaching normative judgments and focusing on measurable variables. Theories such as behaviouralism, systems analysis, and rational choice models exemplify this approach. They help in testing political behaviour, voting patterns, policy impacts, and institutional performance. Empirical methods also provide a basis for predictive analysis, aiding governance and policy-making. Furthermore, it brings methodological rigor by using statistical tools, case studies, and comparative analysis. Despite its utility, critics argue that it oversimplifies complex socio-political realities and often ignores values, culture, and historical depth. Still, empirical theory remains essential for building a scientific foundation in comparative politics.
Conclusion:
Empirical political theory strengthens the discipline by offering clarity, objectivity, and methodological sophistication to understand political dynamics.
[2023] What are the difficulties faced by a political theorist in comparing the States? *(10m)*
Introduction:
Comparative politics involves studying different political systems, but theorists face multiple challenges when comparing states due to diversity and context.
Body:
Political theorists encounter difficulty due to vast historical, cultural, and institutional differences among states. Concepts like democracy, power, or sovereignty may differ in meaning across societies. Language barriers and limited access to data in non-Western contexts complicate empirical analysis. Moreover, political developments are influenced by unique national trajectories, making standardization difficult. There is also the risk of ethnocentrism—applying Western categories to non-Western contexts. The issue of variable equivalence arises, as institutional structures and political culture vary greatly. The dynamic and fluid nature of political systems further adds complexity to comparison. Additionally, generalizations often lead to reductionism, ignoring important nuances. As a result, the comparative method struggles to achieve both depth and breadth simultaneously.
Conclusion:
Comparing states is fraught with methodological and contextual challenges, requiring nuanced, flexible, and culturally sensitive approaches.
[2022] Discuss the main limitations of the comparative method to the study of Political Science. *(10m)*
Introduction:
The comparative method seeks to identify patterns across political systems but has inherent limitations due to diversity and complexity in politics.
Body:
One major limitation is the small-N problem, where too few cases restrict statistical validity. It also struggles with variable control, as numerous socio-political variables interact simultaneously. Cross-cultural differences often make direct comparisons misleading. Many political concepts are context-bound and cannot be universally applied. The problem of selection bias arises when theorists choose cases that support their hypothesis. Moreover, the method often lacks predictive power, focusing instead on post-hoc explanations. Another issue is the tendency to impose Western frameworks onto non-Western societies, undermining indigenous political experiences. Furthermore, the comparative method sometimes simplifies complex realities into abstract models that overlook deep-rooted cultural and historical forces.
Conclusion:
While insightful, the comparative method faces theoretical and practical constraints that limit its universal applicability in political analysis.
[2021] Discuss the political economic approach to the comparative analysis of politics. *(10m)*
Introduction:
The political economy approach studies the interaction between politics and economics in shaping institutions, policies, and power relations.
Body:
This approach analyzes how economic structures and class relations influence political outcomes. Rooted in Marxist and institutionalist traditions, it examines capitalism, labor markets, state policies, and resource distribution. It challenges the separation of economics and politics by treating them as intertwined. For example, the rise of neoliberalism globally shaped the retreat of welfare states and affected democratic participation. The approach focuses on issues like inequality, rent-seeking, state-market relations, and the role of multinational corporations. It also highlights how economic elites shape policy outcomes, especially in developing countries. Political economy critiques liberal democracy by showing how market forces often undermine democratic accountability. It is used to understand phenomena like populism, fiscal crises, and policy shifts in different countries.
Conclusion:
The political economy approach enriches comparative politics by uncovering how economic power structures influence political institutions and behavior.
[2020] Discuss the subject matter of comparative politics. Outline the limitations of comparative political analysis. *(10m)*
Introduction:
Comparative politics deals with the study of domestic political institutions, processes, and behavior across countries using comparative methods.
Body:
The subject covers themes such as political systems, democracy, authoritarianism, electoral systems, constitutions, political culture, and institutions. It also explores power relations, public policy, identity politics, and development. Approaches range from institutional to behavioural, structural, and interpretive. However, it faces limitations like the difficulty of isolating variables due to political complexity. Comparisons often suffer from lack of data and cultural differences. The small number of comparable cases hampers generalization. It may also lead to ethnocentric analysis and overlook local contexts. Furthermore, theoretical models often simplify realities and risk over-generalization. The diverse nature of political institutions globally makes it hard to create universally valid theories.
Conclusion:
While comparative politics provides rich insights, its analysis is limited by methodological, cultural, and contextual constraints
[2019] Examine the significance of the comparative method in political analysis. Discuss its limitations. *(20m)*
Introduction:
The comparative method in political analysis refers to the systematic study of political systems, institutions, processes, and behavior across different countries to draw patterns and understand both similarities and differences. It is foundational to the discipline of political science and provides the empirical basis for theorizing and model-building.
Body:
The method allows scholars to test hypotheses about governance, authority, state capacity, and democratic consolidation. It enables the development of typologies, such as Arend Lijphart’s distinction between majoritarian and consensus democracies, and David Easton’s systems theory. It also contributes to understanding the performance of institutions under varied socio-cultural settings and helps policy learning through case-based lessons.
The comparative approach aids in exploring why similar political systems yield different outcomes or why different systems achieve similar results. For example, comparing welfare policies across Scandinavian and Anglo-Saxon democracies reveals the influence of political culture, party systems, and state-society relations.
However, the method has inherent limitations. Political contexts are deeply embedded in historical, cultural, and social particularities, making direct comparisons difficult. The “small-N” problem—where a limited number of cases are studied—reduces the generalizability of findings. Selection bias can distort analysis if cases are not properly chosen. Additionally, ethnocentric perspectives may color interpretations, particularly when Western categories are applied to non-Western systems without adequate sensitivity.
Contemporary comparative politics increasingly integrates quantitative methods, large-N statistical analysis, and mixed-method approaches to overcome these challenges. But even then, issues of operationalization of variables, data availability, and interpretive differences persist.
Conclusion:
Despite these challenges, the comparative method remains indispensable. It provides a bridge between abstract theory and real-world political dynamics, enabling scholars and practitioners alike to assess political performance and innovate reforms grounded in empirical understanding.
[2018] Describe the changing nature of Comparative Politics. Briefly explain the Political Economy approach to the study of Comparative Politics. *(10m)*
Introduction:
Comparative politics has evolved from studying formal institutions to analyzing political behavior, structures, and the interaction of economics and politics.
Body:
In the early phase, it was legal-institutional, focused on constitutions and structures. Post-WWII, the behavioral revolution emphasized political attitudes and actions. The 1970s saw the rise of dependency theory and political economy, questioning Western-centric models. Later, post-structural and cultural approaches emerged. Contemporary comparative politics includes gender, identity, environment, and globalization. It now employs a multidisciplinary and multi-method approach, combining qualitative and quantitative analysis.
The political economy approach, particularly, analyzes how economic interests and structures shape political outcomes. It draws from Marxist, structuralist, and institutionalist theories. It critiques the separation of politics and economics and highlights issues like class struggle, state-market relations, and power concentration. For example, globalization's impact on welfare states, neoliberal reforms, and labor relations are key areas of study. It challenges liberal democratic theory by uncovering structural inequalities and policy biases favoring capital over labor.
Conclusion:
Comparative politics now embraces interdisciplinary and critical approaches, with political economy offering deep insights into the nexus between economy and power
[2017] Explain the Political-Sociological Approach in the field of comparative politics and discuss its limitations. *(10m)*
Introduction:
The political-sociological approach examines the interplay between society and politics, focusing on how social structures influence political behavior and institutions.
Body:
This approach explores how class, caste, ethnicity, religion, and social movements shape political outcomes. It considers political institutions as products of societal dynamics, not just legal frameworks. Thinkers like Gabriel Almond and Seymour Lipset emphasized the role of political culture and social bases of democracy. Almond’s structural-functionalism connected political roles with societal needs, while Lipset highlighted economic development and social structure in democratic stability. This approach is effective in analyzing democratic transitions, revolutions, identity politics, and institutional legitimacy. It is particularly useful in understanding developing societies where traditional structures coexist with modern political institutions.
However, limitations exist. It often underplays institutional autonomy and overemphasizes social determinants. Sometimes, it lacks clarity in cause-effect relationships due to the multiplicity of social variables. Critics also argue that it risks reductionism, treating political outcomes as mere reflections of social structure. Moreover, it may fail to explain rapid political changes independent of social transformation.
Conclusion:
The political-sociological approach offers rich context-driven insights but must balance social determinants with institutional agency.
[2024] What are the distinctive features of the post-modern state in the advanced capitalist economies? Analyse. *(15m)*
Introduction:
The post-modern state in advanced capitalist societies reflects a transformation in governance, identity, and sovereignty in the context of globalization and neoliberalism.
Body:
Post-modern states exhibit fragmented authority and a shift from government to governance. They focus on networked policy-making involving private actors, civil society, and international institutions. Sovereignty is no longer absolute, as global institutions and multinational corporations influence domestic policy. National identity becomes fluid with multiculturalism and transnational migration. Citizens’ loyalty is increasingly toward global norms rather than the state alone.
Economically, the state retreats from welfare provisioning and emphasizes market mechanisms. Neoliberal restructuring reduces state intervention while promoting privatization and deregulation. Security is also redefined—shifting from military threats to concerns like cybersecurity, health, and climate.
Jean-François Lyotard, a key post-modern theorist, argued that the state loses its grand narratives and engages in “micro-politics” of dispersed power. The state becomes more regulatory than redistributive.
Conclusion:
The post-modern state marks a transition from hierarchical authority to dispersed governance, reflecting the complexities of globalization and identity politics.
[2021] The post-colonial state was thought of as an entity that stood outside and above society as an autonomous agency. Explain. *(20m)*
Introduction:
The post-colonial state is often conceived as an entity that emerged in former colonies, particularly in Asia and Africa, after the end of imperial rule. Scholars like Hamza Alavi and Partha Chatterjee conceptualized it as a state structurally distinct from Western liberal democracies due to its unique historical trajectory and post-independence developmental role.
Body:
The idea that the post-colonial state stands “outside and above” society implies that it is not embedded in, nor accountable to, the same class structures, civil institutions, or mass political mobilizations seen in consolidated democracies. It was viewed as an autonomous and centralized apparatus, capable of initiating development, promoting national integration, and managing ethnic diversity in the absence of mature civil societies.
Hamza Alavi described this state as possessing a “relative autonomy” because of its inheritance of the colonial bureaucratic-military structure. This apparatus remained intact and formed the core of the state’s machinery, shielded from class struggles or popular pressures. The state assumed the role of a dominant actor in economic planning and institution-building, especially through Five-Year Plans and land reforms.
However, this autonomy came at a cost. The state often became alienated from its people, leading to weak participatory politics. Development was frequently top-down, suppressing dissent, regional aspirations, and class grievances. Over time, this alienation bred disillusionment, identity-based mobilization, and even secessionist movements.
Globalization, civil society activism, and democratic deepening have gradually chipped away at this autonomy. Today, post-colonial states are increasingly enmeshed in international institutions, market forces, and societal demands that constrain unilateral state action.
Conclusion:
Thus, the post-colonial state, though initially envisioned as a sovereign agent standing above society, has evolved into a contested and negotiated political space shaped by multiple pressures.
[2018] Describe the changing nature of the State in the developing societies in the context of inclusive growth in the 21st century. *(10m)*
Introduction:
In the 21st century, the state in developing societies is undergoing a shift from a regulatory entity to a facilitator of inclusive growth and sustainable development.
Body:
Modern states in the Global South increasingly balance market-driven reforms with social welfare goals. Earlier characterized by state-led development, many now engage in public-private partnerships, decentralization, and targeted welfare programs. There is growing emphasis on inclusion, especially for marginalized groups through education, health, employment, and financial access.
Digital governance and direct benefit transfers have redefined the state's role as service provider. For example, India's Aadhaar-linked schemes exemplify this transformation. International institutions and civil society also influence state priorities through global development goals and funding.
However, challenges persist. Persistent inequality, weak institutions, corruption, and elite capture hinder inclusive growth. Balancing economic liberalization with social justice remains difficult in societies with entrenched social hierarchies.
Conclusion:
The developing state today strives for inclusive growth but remains constrained by structural and institutional limitations.
[2017] How has the development of Global Capitalism changed the nature of socialist economies and developing societies? *(15m)*
Introduction:
The expansion of global capitalism has significantly influenced socialist economies and developing societies, altering their policies, institutions, and class relations.
Body:
Socialist economies have undergone substantial transformation under global capitalist pressure. The fall of the Soviet Union and market reforms in China and Vietnam signify a pragmatic shift toward mixed economies. These states retain political control but allow private enterprise and global investment. China’s “socialism with Chinese characteristics” embodies this hybrid.
Developing societies have embraced liberalization, privatization, and globalization, often under the guidance of institutions like the IMF and World Bank. Structural adjustment programs reshaped their economies, reducing the state's redistributive role and increasing inequality. While some experienced growth, it often came with jobless or exclusionary patterns. Global supply chains and multinational corporations dominate local markets, undermining domestic industries.
Global capitalism also reshaped class structures, with the emergence of new middle classes and informal labor sectors. At the ideological level, Marxist and socialist narratives have weakened, replaced by neoliberal consensus.
Conclusion:
Global capitalism has restructured socialist and developing states, integrating them into market systems while challenging their redistributive and autonomous capacities.
[2017] Discuss the changing nature of the modern state with reference to transnational actors. *(15m)*
Introduction:
The modern state’s authority is increasingly shaped and constrained by transnational actors in a globalized world.
Body:
States are no longer the sole actors in international politics. Transnational corporations, international organizations, NGOs, and epistemic communities influence policy and governance. Global financial institutions like the IMF and World Bank shape fiscal decisions in developing countries. MNCs influence industrial policy and employment. Transnational NGOs campaign on human rights, environment, and development, influencing domestic legislation and global norms.
Moreover, international regimes like the Paris Climate Accord and WTO set regulatory frameworks that limit state discretion. Digital platforms, media, and diaspora networks also shape political discourse across borders.
These developments have led to a reduction in sovereignty and rise of networked governance. The state has transitioned from a hierarchical authority to a coordinator of multiple stakeholders. However, it still retains core powers like law enforcement and territorial integrity.
Conclusion:
The modern state is increasingly embedded in transnational networks, altering its authority, autonomy, and functions.
[2024] Discuss the major recent social movements related to the physical rights of women in various countries of the world. *(20m)*
Introduction:
Women’s physical rights include bodily autonomy, freedom from violence, access to reproductive healthcare, protection against harassment, and freedom of movement. These rights are foundational to gender equality, yet violations remain rampant globally. In recent years, multiple landmark social movements have emerged to challenge systemic discrimination, bringing women’s physical rights to the forefront of global discourse.
Body:
The #MeToo movement, which began in the United States, became a global symbol of resistance against sexual harassment and assault. Its ripple effects were felt across countries like India, France, and South Korea, leading to firings of powerful men, public trials, and legislative discussions on workplace safety and dignity.
Latin America witnessed the rise of “Ni Una Menos” (Not One Less) in Argentina, a mass mobilization against femicide, rape, and domestic violence. It later spread to countries like Peru, Mexico, and Colombia, contributing to stronger gender violence laws and increased social awareness of structural misogyny.
In South Asia, India’s Nirbhaya movement (2012) sparked national outrage after the gang rape and death of a young woman. It pressured the government to reform criminal laws and establish fast-track courts for gender-based crimes.
Eastern Europe, particularly Poland, saw women mobilize against severe abortion bans in 2020. Massive street protests challenged religious-political control over women's reproductive rights. In the U.S., the rollback of Roe v. Wade (2022) led to renewed activism defending bodily autonomy.
Iran’s “Women, Life, Freedom” protests after Mahsa Amini’s death in 2022 represented a broader challenge to authoritarian restrictions on female agency, drawing solidarity from across the world.
Conclusion:
These movements, while diverse in origin, reflect a common quest to reclaim bodily autonomy and dignity. They emphasize that the struggle for physical rights is both local and global, requiring legal reform, cultural change, and sustained activism.
[2024] Critically examine the role of political parties in sustaining and stabilising democracies in the developing societies. *(15m)*
Introduction:
Political parties are central to democratic representation and accountability, but in developing societies, their role is often contested due to structural and institutional constraints.
Body:
Parties in developing societies provide a platform for political participation, ideological aggregation, and policy articulation. They link citizens to institutions and foster electoral mobilization. In countries like India and South Africa, parties enabled peaceful transitions from colonialism or apartheid to democracy.
However, many parties are personality-driven, lacking internal democracy and ideological clarity. They often rely on clientelism, caste, ethnic, or regional identities, undermining issue-based politics. Factionalism, party switching, and weak institutionalization hamper policy consistency and long-term governance.
Moreover, parties may reinforce majoritarianism and marginalize dissent. In some cases, dominant-party systems breed authoritarianism under democratic facades. Corruption and lack of transparency erode public trust, leading to voter apathy or populist alternatives.
Despite limitations, parties remain indispensable. Electoral reforms, public funding, and intra-party democracy can strengthen their democratic role.
Conclusion:
Political parties are vital to democratic stability but require institutional reform and democratization to fulfill their transformative potential in developing societies.
[2023] How does democratic politics construct citizenship?*(10m)*
Introduction:
Citizenship refers to the legal and political status that defines an individual’s relationship with the state, encompassing rights, duties, and identity. Democratic politics actively shapes and constructs this status through inclusion, participation, and contestation.
Body:
In a democracy, citizenship is not a static legal label but a dynamic process. Through mechanisms like elections, representation, and civil liberties, democratic politics enables individuals to exercise rights and claim membership in the political community. Policies around universal adult franchise, affirmative action, and decentralized governance expand the scope of who is considered a full citizen.
Social movements, marginalized groups, and civil society actors constantly negotiate the boundaries of citizenship. For instance, feminist and LGBTQ+ movements globally have expanded the understanding of rights-bearing citizens. In India, the anti-CAA protests reflected anxieties over the redefinition of citizenship along religious lines.
Conclusion:
Democratic deliberation, judicial review, and constitutional amendments also shape citizenship norms. Thus, democratic politics constructs citizenship not only legally but through ongoing struggles over inclusion, dignity, and participation.
[2022] How has the electoral democracy augmented the participation of people in the democratic process? *(20m)*
Introduction:
Electoral democracy, grounded in periodic, free, and fair elections, plays a central role in augmenting people’s participation in the democratic process. It institutionalizes political inclusion and transforms passive subjects into active citizens by allowing them to choose their representatives and influence governance.
Body:
The principle of universal adult suffrage ensures that all eligible citizens, regardless of class, caste, gender, or ethnicity, are included in the political process. In India, the expansion of the electorate and targeted voter mobilization by the Election Commission have enabled historically marginalized communities—such as Dalits, Adivasis, and women—to assert their political agency.
Electoral democracy stimulates political consciousness and mass mobilization. Electoral campaigns, debates, and manifestos raise public awareness about policies and governance. Political parties, in their quest for votes, reach out to diverse constituencies, promoting representation of minorities, regional identities, and backward communities. Provisions like reserved constituencies and women’s quotas in local bodies further democratize participation.
The proliferation of media and digital platforms has enhanced voter education and civic engagement. Social media campaigns, electoral watchdogs, and real-time tracking of candidates’ credentials have empowered voters to make informed choices and demand accountability.
Civil society organizations play a key role in voter awareness drives, especially in rural and remote areas. Initiatives like “Systematic Voters’ Education and Electoral Participation” (SVEEP) in India have bridged gaps in participation across age, gender, and geography.
Despite concerns about voter apathy, electoral violence, and misinformation, electoral democracy has widened the participatory base of democracy. It has enabled governance to become more inclusive, representative, and responsive to citizen needs.
Conclusion:
In sum, electoral democracy is not merely a procedural form of government; it is a mechanism that constantly expands the participatory horizon, making democracy more substantive and people-driven.
[2022] Discuss the role of social movements in strengthening the democratic processess in developing societies. *(15m)*
Introduction:
Social movements are collective, organized efforts by groups aiming to bring about or resist change in society. In developing societies, they serve as instruments for democratization, representation, and accountability.
Body:
Social movements play a vital role in expanding the democratic space by giving voice to the marginalized and underrepresented. In societies where formal institutions are weak or elite-dominated, movements become a parallel means of political participation. For instance, the Chipko movement in India or the Landless Workers' Movement (MST) in Brazil mobilized rural populations around issues neglected by mainstream parties.
They challenge social hierarchies, question state authority, and push for rights-based governance—whether related to environment, gender, tribal autonomy, or civil liberties. Movements like #FeesMustFall in South Africa and Narmada Bachao Andolan in India highlighted governance deficits and demanded inclusive policies.
Social movements also nurture democratic values such as deliberation, accountability, and civic engagement. They often act as training grounds for future political leaders. However, their impact depends on organizational coherence and state receptiveness. At times, co-option, repression, or identity fragmentation may dilute their effectiveness.
Conclusion:
In developing societies, social movements deepen democracy by empowering citizens, contesting injustice, and fostering inclusive governance.
[2021] Explain the impact of electoral systems and cleavages in shaping party systems with reference to developing countries. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Party systems in developing countries are shaped by a combination of institutional frameworks and socio-political cleavages. The electoral system acts as a structural determinant, while ethnic, linguistic, religious, and regional cleavages add contextual diversity. The interaction of these elements explains the multiplicity or concentration of political parties.
BODY:
Electoral systems influence the nature of party systems through incentives they create. Duverger’s Law argues that plurality systems favor two-party systems, while proportional representation (PR) leads to multipartyism. In developing countries, first-past-the-post (FPTP) systems, such as in India and Nigeria, often result in dominant party systems but also allow regional parties due to societal cleavages and federal structures.
Cleavages—ethnic, religious, linguistic, and caste-based—interact with electoral systems to produce fragmented or cohesive party systems. In India, the FPTP system combined with caste and regional cleavages fostered both national and state-level party proliferation. In contrast, in South Africa, proportional representation has enabled broader inclusion of minorities within party structures, promoting a stable multiparty system.
In Latin America, presidentialism coupled with PR has led to fragmented party systems with weak institutionalization. Similarly, in Indonesia, the transition from authoritarianism to democracy under PR produced coalition politics balancing diverse Islamic and secular interests.
However, electoral engineering—such as thresholds, run-offs, or mixed systems—can mitigate excessive fragmentation. For example, Turkey’s 10% threshold in PR discourages smaller parties, shaping party consolidation.
CONCLUSION:
In developing countries, party systems are not merely products of social divisions but outcomes of their interaction with electoral rules. Effective party system institutionalization requires electoral designs that accommodate diversity without inducing extreme fragmentation, thereby enhancing democratic stability.
[2021] The modernization thesis asserts that affluence breeds stable democracy. How do you explain the success of India being the world's largest democracy as an exceptional case? *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The modernization thesis, as proposed by Seymour Martin Lipset, posits that economic affluence—measured through income, education, and industrialization—breeds democratic stability. It predicts that democracy thrives in societies with a strong middle class, urbanization, and rational-secular values. India, however, stands as a compelling exception to this thesis.
BODY:
India defied the logic of the modernization thesis by sustaining a democratic system despite widespread poverty, low literacy, and socioeconomic backwardness at the time of independence. Unlike many post-colonial states that transitioned into authoritarianism, India institutionalized competitive elections, rule of law, and civil liberties.
Several factors explain this anomaly. First, India inherited a colonial legacy of modern institutions such as the judiciary, civil services, and a legislature. Second, the leadership of Nehru, Ambedkar, and other founding figures emphasized constitutionalism, secularism, and universal suffrage. Third, India’s social pluralism encouraged the electoral system to evolve into a mechanism of accommodation.
Culturally, Indian society demonstrated high political awareness and engagement, even without corresponding levels of economic development. The participatory ethos embedded in the freedom movement transitioned into democratic participation post-1947. Elections became a tool for empowerment of marginalized groups including Dalits, Adivasis, and women.
Moreover, India's federal structure and linguistic reorganization allowed local aspirations to be channelled democratically. The role of civil society, press, and independent institutions further bolstered democratic endurance. Despite occasional setbacks, the democratic structure has shown remarkable resilience.
Critics of the modernization thesis argue that it is ethnocentric and fails to account for historical and political variables. India’s experience validates this, showing that democracy can precede economic development and even catalyze it through legitimacy and inclusion.
CONCLUSION:
India’s democratic success illustrates that affluence is not a necessary precondition for democracy. Instead, political culture, visionary leadership, and inclusive institutional design can sustain democracy even in economically underdeveloped settings, making India a critical exception to modernization orthodoxy.
[2021] Political parties and pressure groups are sine qua none of democracy. Comment. *(10m)*
Introduction:
Democracy thrives on pluralism and participation; political parties and pressure groups are essential for articulating interests and ensuring accountability.
Body:
Political parties provide structured representation, contest elections, and form governments. They aggregate diverse demands into coherent platforms. Pressure groups, including trade unions, NGOs, and advocacy networks, influence policy through lobbying, mobilization, and public campaigns.
Together, they deepen democratic engagement. Parties connect citizens to the state, while pressure groups ensure continuous policy responsiveness. Both serve as watchdogs, prevent authoritarianism, and promote civic education. For instance, RTI activism in India or environmental advocacy by global groups shaped significant policy outcomes.
However, both can be misused. Parties may become oligarchic or corrupt. Pressure groups sometimes serve elite or foreign interests. Still, their collective functioning creates a dynamic, participatory democracy.
Conclusion:
Political parties and pressure groups are indispensable in channelling public will and sustaining democratic vibrancy.
[2020] Analyze the contribution of liberal democratic principles in the democratization of Indian polity. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Liberal democratic principles—such as rule of law, separation of powers, protection of rights, and representative government—form the backbone of modern democracies. In India, these ideals have significantly shaped its political evolution post-independence.
BODY:
India’s Constitution enshrines core liberal values. Fundamental Rights protect civil liberties and equality, while institutions like the judiciary and Election Commission ensure checks and balances. The judiciary has upheld these rights through doctrines like the basic structure and public interest litigation.
Periodic elections, peaceful power transitions, and increasing political participation demonstrate the working of liberal democratic norms. Secularism, federalism, and minority rights further ensure inclusive governance in a diverse society.
While challenges like majoritarianism and institutional decline exist, liberalism provides a framework for resistance, public accountability, and legal redress.
CONCLUSION:
Liberal democratic principles have not only shaped India’s constitutional design but also helped sustain its pluralistic and participatory democratic culture, despite recurring challenges.
[2020] Has the increased participation of the underprivileged in the political process of the developing societies strengthened democracy or created political chaos and conflict? Comment. *(10m)*
Introduction:
The political participation of the underprivileged reflects democratic deepening, yet it also generates new tensions and contestations in developing societies.
Body:
Increased participation has empowered marginalized groups through representation and policy responsiveness. In India, Dalits and tribal communities have mobilized electorally, shaping policies on welfare and affirmative action. Similar trends are visible in Latin America and parts of Africa.
However, this shift also challenges dominant power structures. Identity politics often becomes divisive, and political elites manipulate group identities for electoral gain. Violence during elections, protests, and factionalism may follow.
Yet, these are signs of an evolving democracy. Conflict indicates new claims being voiced. As political theorist Partha Chatterjee notes, democracy in the Global South includes popular negotiation with the state beyond formal institutions.
Conclusion:
Though accompanied by tensions, underprivileged participation ultimately enriches democracy by challenging exclusions and expanding citizenship.
[2019] Is democracy promotion in developing countries a feasible idea? *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Democracy promotion refers to efforts by international actors—states, NGOs, and multilateral institutions—to encourage the adoption and consolidation of democratic governance in other nations. Its feasibility in developing countries remains debated, given their political, social, and institutional diversity.
BODY:
Advocates argue democracy promotion enhances accountability, rule of law, conflict reduction, and human rights. Tools include electoral support, institution-building, civil society funding, media strengthening, and conditional aid. Western engagement in Eastern Europe, post-apartheid South Africa, and parts of Sub-Saharan Africa is often cited as successful examples.
However, in many developing countries, such efforts face resistance due to fragile institutions, identity-based conflicts, and entrenched elites. Military-led interventions—as in Iraq or Libya—often destabilized regions rather than fostering democracy. Furthermore, electoral democracy may not guarantee liberal outcomes, as seen in countries like Bangladesh and Turkey.
The rise of alternative models—like China’s authoritarian capitalism—offers regimes a different developmental path. Consequently, democracy promotion is sometimes perceived as ideologically biased or a tool of Western influence.
Nonetheless, internal democratization movements in countries like Indonesia, Tunisia, and Nepal show that transitions can succeed when driven by local actors and supported internationally in a facilitative, not coercive, manner.
CONCLUSION:
Democracy promotion in developing countries is feasible, but success hinges on contextual sensitivity, domestic ownership, and gradual institution-building. Sustainable democratization is best achieved through inclusive, participatory, and organic processes rather than imposed templates. External actors should focus on enabling civic education, judicial reforms, and local institution-building.
[2019] Explain the reasons for low voter turnout in democratic countries with suitable examples. *(15m)*
Introduction:
Voter turnout refers to the percentage of eligible citizens who actually cast their vote in elections. Low turnout in democracies undermines political legitimacy and inclusive representation.
Body:
Several factors contribute to low voter turnout across democracies:
Though some democracies introduce reforms like e-voting, awareness campaigns, and compulsory voting (e.g., Australia), turnout still varies widely across regions and classes.
Conclusion:
Low voter turnout stems from structural, political, and psychological factors that weaken democratic participation and require targeted electoral reforms.
[2019] Write an essay on 'New Social Movements in developing countries. *(15m)*
Introduction:
New Social Movements (NSMs) refer to decentralized, identity-based collective actions that go beyond class struggle, focusing on issues like environment, gender, ethnicity, and civil rights—especially in post-industrial and developing societies.
Body:
Unlike traditional movements centered on economic redistribution, NSMs focus on “post-materialist” values—cultural identity, autonomy, dignity, and ecological concerns. In developing countries, they reflect grassroots mobilization often rooted in historical exclusions.
For instance, the Narmada Bachao Andolan in India combined environmentalism with tribal and displacement rights. The Zapatista movement in Mexico linked indigenous identity with global resistance to neoliberalism. Similarly, Dalit and tribal movements in South Asia seek dignity, representation, and recognition.
NSMs adopt participatory, horizontal structures, resisting centralized leadership. They use alternative media, public protests, and global solidarity to raise awareness. Often, they critique the developmental state model for marginalizing non-mainstream voices.
Though empowering, NSMs face challenges like co-option, state repression, and fragmentation due to identity politics. Critics argue they lack clear ideology and policy focus. Yet, their strength lies in their ability to question dominant discourses and democratize civil society.
Conclusion:
New Social Movements in developing societies reconfigure political activism by asserting identity, autonomy, and justice beyond conventional electoral politics.
[2018] How big a role does identity play in determining political participation in the developing countries? Discuss your answer with suitable illustrations. *(10m)*
Introduction:
Identity—based on caste, ethnicity, religion, or region—significantly shapes political participation in developing countries where social cleavages are deep-rooted.
Body:
In India, caste-based mobilization by parties like BSP or RJD has empowered Dalits and backward classes. In Sri Lanka, ethnic identity defines Tamil-Sinhalese conflict and electoral alignments. In Africa, tribal and regional identities determine voting patterns and party affiliations.
Identity provides a sense of community and agency, especially where class-based organization is weak. It enables marginalized groups to access representation and resources. However, it can also entrench divisions and lead to vote-bank politics, undermining policy debates.
The rise of religious populism in countries like Pakistan and identity-based movements in Latin America show how identity can mobilize or polarize. Yet, when institutionally mediated, it strengthens inclusion.
Conclusion:
Identity is a powerful driver of political participation in developing societies, shaping both empowerment and polarization.
[2017] Examine the LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender) movement in developed societies and how it is affecting the political participation in developing societies. *(10m)*
Introduction:
The LGBT movement in developed societies has expanded rights and recognition, inspiring advocacy and participation in developing countries.
Body:
In the US and Europe, decades of activism led to legal reforms, marriage equality, and protection against discrimination. Pride marches, media visibility, and institutional support reflect political mainstreaming.
This visibility influenced movements in developing societies. In India, decriminalization of homosexuality (Navtej Johar case) marked a major step. Civil society groups now demand anti-discrimination laws, healthcare access, and representation. In Latin America, countries like Argentina legalized same-sex marriage.
However, in many places, stigma, conservative norms, and legal hurdles persist. Participation remains limited to urban, educated elites. In authoritarian regimes, activism invites repression. Yet, international networks and digital platforms allow cross-border solidarity.
Conclusion:
The global LGBT movement has catalyzed participation and awareness in developing societies, though challenges to full inclusion remain.
[2024] "Deglobalisation is displacing globalisation." Comment. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Globalisation refers to the increasing interconnectedness of economies, societies, and cultures through trade, technology, migration, and communication. Deglobalisation, in contrast, signifies a retreat from global integration, marked by protectionism, national self-sufficiency, and reduced interdependence. Recent global trends suggest a rising momentum of deglobalisation.
BODY:
The 21st century began with an era of hyper-globalisation marked by open markets, liberalised trade, and global value chains. However, the 2008 financial crisis revealed the vulnerabilities of economic interdependence, initiating debates on the sustainability of globalisation.
The COVID-19 pandemic accelerated deglobalisation. Disruptions in global supply chains, medical nationalism, and restrictions on cross-border movement exposed overreliance on foreign manufacturing. Countries began reshoring industries, revising trade dependencies, and prioritising strategic autonomy, particularly in critical sectors like pharmaceuticals, semiconductors, and energy.
The Russia-Ukraine war and increasing US-China tensions have further deepened economic fragmentation. Weaponisation of trade, sanctions, and decoupling of technology ecosystems signal a retreat from liberal economic globalism.
Emerging economies are also reassessing their positions. India's “Atmanirbhar Bharat” and China's “dual circulation” model reflect a strategic pivot toward economic self-reliance. Simultaneously, regionalisation is replacing globalisation, with blocs like RCEP and EU strengthening internal integration.
Digital deglobalisation is another emerging facet. Countries are asserting data sovereignty and regulating digital flows, limiting global tech monopolies.
However, global challenges—climate change, pandemics, and financial volatility—require renewed multilateral cooperation and shared governance frameworks. Moreover, global capital, migration, and digital connectivity continue to thrive, indicating that globalisation is evolving, not disappearing.
CONCLUSION:
Deglobalisation is not a reversal but a recalibration of globalisation. While nation-states are asserting autonomy, interdependence persists in new forms. The future will likely see a hybrid global order balancing sovereignty with selective integration, resilience, and regionalism. Understanding this transition is crucial for policymakers to design adaptive, balanced global strategies that ensure both national resilience and international cooperation.
[2023] Critically examine the impact of Globalisation on the developing countries of the world. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Globalisation refers to the increasing interconnectedness of nations through trade, finance, technology, and cultural exchange. For developing countries, it has been both an opportunity and a challenge. The impact is multidimensional—economic, political, social, and cultural—and its evaluation remains contested.
BODY:
Economically, globalisation has led to increased trade, foreign investment, and technology transfers. Countries like China, Vietnam, and India have benefited from integration into global value chains, leading to higher growth and poverty reduction. However, benefits have been uneven. Many least developed countries remain marginalised, and exposure to global markets has increased vulnerability to external shocks.
Politically, globalisation has encouraged democratization through the spread of liberal norms, but it has also led to erosion of state sovereignty and policy autonomy due to pressures from institutions like the IMF and WTO. Structural adjustment programs, for instance, imposed austerity on several African and Latin American economies, leading to social unrest.
Socially, globalisation has promoted access to global education, communication, and health practices. Yet, it has also exacerbated income inequality, job insecurity, and displacement of traditional livelihoods, especially in agrarian economies. The digital divide also highlights disparities in access to new opportunities created by the global economy.
Culturally, while globalisation promotes multiculturalism and cosmopolitanism, it also threatens local identities and cultural homogenisation through Western consumer culture.
Critics argue that globalisation is a neo-colonial project that reinforces dependency and uneven development. However, supporters highlight that with strategic policy interventions—like investing in education, infrastructure, and social safety nets—developing countries can convert globalisation into a vehicle for inclusive growth.
CONCLUSION:
The impact of globalisation on developing countries is ambivalent—creating opportunities while also deepening vulnerabilities. The key lies in adopting calibrated policies that protect domestic interests while engaging constructively with global systems to ensure equitable development.
[2022] What are the main challenges faced by the developing countries in the era of globalisation? *(10m)*
Introduction:
While globalisation has offered developmental opportunities, it also poses structural and systemic challenges for developing countries.
Body:
One major challenge is economic vulnerability. Overdependence on foreign investment and exports exposes economies to global market fluctuations, as seen during the 2008 crisis and COVID-19 disruptions.
Deindustrialization due to import competition undermines local industries. Informal labour and jobless growth worsen inequality. Global trade regimes, dominated by developed countries, often marginalize southern voices—as reflected in the failure of the Doha Round.
Cultural homogenization erodes traditional identities. Environmentally, rapid industrialization under global pressures leads to resource depletion and climate vulnerability. Health and food sovereignty also come under strain due to patent regimes and global supply chains.
Institutionally, globalization can weaken state autonomy as transnational corporations and global financial bodies influence domestic policies.
Conclusion:
Globalisation presents multidimensional challenges to developing countries, demanding strategic regulation and inclusive policy frameworks.
[2021] What is globalisation ? Why is there an intense debate about globalisation and its consequences? *(15m)*
Introduction:
Globalisation is the process of intensifying cross-border flows of goods, services, capital, technology, and ideas, leading to growing interdependence among nations.
Body:
Supporters argue that globalisation promotes economic growth, technological diffusion, and cultural exchange. It helped countries like China and India lift millions out of poverty through integration into global markets. It has facilitated the rise of global civil society and strengthened multilateralism.
However, critics highlight increasing economic inequality both within and across nations. The Global South often remains peripheral in global value chains. Neoliberal reforms, privatization, and deregulation have led to public disempowerment, weakening social safety nets.
Culturally, globalisation threatens local traditions and promotes Western consumerism. Environmentally, it fosters unsustainable production. Political sovereignty is undermined as global corporations and financial institutions influence national decision-making. The anti-globalisation movement, Brexit, and protectionist policies reflect this backlash.
Scholars like Dani Rodrik advocate for a "smart globalisation" that balances openness with domestic safeguards.
Conclusion:
The debate persists because globalisation produces both integrative benefits and exclusionary risks, requiring critical negotiation of its terms and directions.
[2020] Critically examine the impact of the process of globalization from the perspective of the countries of the Global South. *(10m)*
Introduction:
For the Global South, globalisation has been a double-edged sword—enabling economic growth but also reinforcing systemic inequalities.
Body:
Countries like India, Brazil, and Indonesia gained from FDI, outsourcing, and trade access. Technology transfer and diaspora engagement accelerated development. However, globalisation also exposed these nations to external shocks, capital flight, and currency volatility.
Structural adjustment programs imposed by global institutions eroded welfare and public health in many African and Latin American nations. Informal sector growth without social protection became widespread. Global intellectual property regimes constrained access to essential medicines, as seen in the HIV/AIDS crisis.
Trade liberalization hurt small-scale agriculture and domestic industry. Environmental degradation worsened under export-driven models. The cultural influence of the West often clashed with local identities, creating internal tensions.
Despite some success stories, the benefits remain concentrated, prompting calls for reformed global governance that empowers the Global South.
Conclusion:
Globalisation’s uneven impact highlights the need for South-sensitive global policies that prioritize equity and sustainability.
[2018] Discuss the consequences of Trump's "America First" and Xi's "Chinese Dream" on World Politics. *(15m)*
Introduction:
Trump’s “America First” and Xi Jinping’s “Chinese Dream” represent contrasting visions of nationalism and global leadership that have reshaped contemporary world politics.
Body:
“America First” signifies unilateralism, protectionism, and withdrawal from multilateral agreements—e.g., the Paris Climate Accord and Trans-Pacific Partnership. It led to tariff wars, especially with China, disrupting global trade norms. US retreat created a power vacuum, weakening institutions like WTO and WHO.
In contrast, the “Chinese Dream” envisions a rejuvenated China asserting itself as a global power. Through initiatives like Belt and Road (BRI), China promotes infrastructure diplomacy and economic integration, especially in Asia, Africa, and Europe.
Together, these visions fuel great power rivalry and geopolitical polarization. The liberal international order is being replaced by multipolar contestation, with declining US leadership and rising Chinese assertiveness.
Their domestic policies also influence global norms—Trump’s inward nationalism vs. China’s authoritarian capitalism. Developing countries are caught in strategic balancing between the two.
Scholars argue that this rivalry marks a shift from globalization to geo-economics, with implications for regional security and trade alignments.
Conclusion:
The opposing worldviews of the US and China have altered global power structures, challenging multilateralism and deepening global uncertainty.
[2017] Critically examine the Globalisation in the past 25 years from the perspectives of the Western world. *(10m)*
Introduction:
Globalisation refers to the growing interconnectedness of economies, cultures, and technologies across borders. Over the past 25 years, Western nations have both shaped and been reshaped by this process, leading to increasing debate and backlash.
Body:
Initially, globalisation benefited the West through expanded markets, financial dominance, and technological leadership. Western multinationals grew, and neoliberal institutions like the IMF and WTO advanced their interests.
However, deindustrialization and outsourcing led to job losses in manufacturing sectors. Rising inequality, stagnant wages, and alienation fueled populist movements like Brexit and Trumpism. The middle class felt left behind as elites and corporations profited disproportionately.
Culturally, immigration and multiculturalism created identity anxieties. The 2008 financial crisis exposed systemic flaws in global finance. Western dominance is now challenged by rising powers like China and India, altering the global balance.
Thus, the Western perception of globalisation shifted from opportunity to threat, prompting protectionism, economic nationalism, and distrust of global institutions.
Conclusion:
From optimism to skepticism, Western views on globalisation have evolved due to its internal disruptions and external challenges to hegemony.
[2024] Explain the various facets of the idealist approach to the study of international relations. Comment on its contemporary relevance. *(10m)*
Introduction:
Idealism in international relations emphasizes cooperation, morality, and law over power politics. It views international politics as capable of progress through institutions and shared values. As Woodrow Wilson said, “The world must be made safe for democracy.”
Body:
Idealism emerged after World War I, driven by the belief that war could be eliminated through reason, democracy, and international law. It advocates collective security, disarmament, open diplomacy, and the promotion of democratic values. The League of Nations was an idealist experiment rooted in moral universalism.
Key facets include:
However, realism’s critique—especially after World War II—exposed idealism’s naivety in ignoring power politics. Despite this, idealism retains contemporary relevance in:
It also underpins liberal institutionalism, a refined version adapted to modern multipolarity.
Conclusion:
Though often idealistic in tone, this approach continues to inspire global governance rooted in ethics and cooperation.
[2024] Explain the central tenets of the World-Systems Theory.. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
World-Systems Theory, developed by Immanuel Wallerstein, is a macro-sociological approach to understanding global inequality and the capitalist world economy. It views the world as a single, interconnected economic system structured around a core-periphery hierarchy.
BODY:
The theory posits that the global capitalist system is divided into three zones:
The world economy, according to Wallerstein, operates on the principle of unequal exchange, where surplus value flows from the periphery to the core. This structural relationship maintains dependency and underdevelopment in the periphery.
The theory emphasizes the historical continuity of capitalist expansion, dating back to the 16th century, and critiques nation-centric analyses of development.
CONCLUSION:
World-Systems Theory offers a structural explanation of global inequality, highlighting systemic exploitation and interdependence in the capitalist world economy.
[2023] In what ways does the functionalist approach in International relations help in maintaining peace and order in global politics? *(15m)*
Introduction:
Functionalism in international relations advocates that peace is best achieved not through political union but through cooperation in non-political, functional areas like health, trade, and environment.
Body:
Developed by David Mitrany, functionalism proposes that states can build trust through technical collaboration. Over time, such cooperation creates “spillover effects,” gradually integrating states and reducing the likelihood of conflict. The European Coal and Steel Community was a classic example of functionalist thinking in post-war Europe.
Functionalism contributes to peace by:
It emphasizes performance over ideology, thus appealing to pragmatic consensus-building. Functional institutions like WHO, WTO, and ICAO show how international norms and technical standards can reduce tensions and promote order.
However, critics argue that functionalism overlooks political resistance, nationalism, and asymmetries in capacity. Integration is not always linear, as seen in Brexit and growing protectionism.
Still, functionalism remains relevant for addressing transnational challenges—climate change, pandemics, and cybersecurity—where political alignment may be weak, but cooperation is necessary.
Conclusion:
By fostering gradual integration through functional cooperation, this approach offers a practical route to sustaining international peace.
[2022] Discuss the commonalities between the Marxist and Realist approach to the study of International Politics. *(10m)*
Introduction:
Though ideologically opposed, both Marxism and Realism share structural views of international politics rooted in materialism and conflict.
Body:
Both approaches are state-centric and conflict-driven, though for different reasons. Realists view anarchy and the pursuit of power as inevitable features of the international system. Marxists focus on capitalist exploitation and class struggle as the source of global conflict.
Commonalities include:
Despite differences—Marxism is revolutionary and normative, Realism is status quo-oriented—both critique idealist notions of peace through morality or law.
Conclusion:
Realism and Marxism, despite differing lenses, converge on the idea that material structures and inherent conflict shape international politics.
[2022] What is the realist prescription to the States to ensure their survival in an anarchical world? *(15m)*
Introduction:
Realism holds that the international system is anarchic, and survival is the primary goal of every state. Thus, power and security become central to statecraft.
Body:
Realists like Hans Morgenthau and Kenneth Waltz argue that in the absence of a global authority, states must rely on self-help. The prescription includes:
Neo-realists emphasize structural constraints—states behave similarly due to systemic pressures. Hence, institutional guarantees are unreliable, and survival hinges on internal balancing.
This view explains arms races, deterrence strategies, and realpolitik diplomacy in history and contemporary geopolitics.
Conclusion:
Realism advises states to prioritize power, prudence, and strategic balance as the core tools for survival in global anarchy.
[2021] Discuss the emergence of neo-realism and its basic tenets *(15m)*
Introduction:
Neo-realism, or structural realism, is an influential theory in international relations developed by Kenneth Waltz. It reformulates classical realism by emphasizing systemic structures over human nature.
Body:
Emerging in the late 1970s, neo-realism addressed the limitations of classical realism by making it more scientific and parsimonious. In his book Theory of International Politics (1979), Waltz argued that the anarchical structure of the international system, not human flaws, drives state behavior.
Key tenets include:
Neo-realism is divided into defensive realism (Waltz) and offensive realism (Mearsheimer). The former believes in balance and restraint; the latter argues states seek hegemony.
Neo-realism has been used to explain Cold War bipolarity, alliance formation, and nuclear deterrence. However, it is critiqued for neglecting domestic politics, non-state actors, and norms.
Conclusion:
Neo-realism offers a systemic, structural explanation of state behavior, emphasizing power distribution and systemic constraints over individual choices.
[2021] Marxist approach to the study of international relations has lost its relevance in the post-cold war era. Comment. *(10m)*
Introduction:
The Marxist approach views international relations through class struggle and capitalist exploitation. Its relevance has been questioned in the post-Cold War liberal order.
Body:
Marxist theories—like world systems theory (Wallerstein) and dependency theory—explain global inequality as a structural outcome of capitalism. With the collapse of the USSR and the spread of neoliberalism, many scholars argue that Marxism became ideologically obsolete.
However, growing global inequality, exploitative trade relations, and neo-imperialist wars show Marxism's enduring analytical value. The 2008 financial crisis revived interest in capitalist contradictions. Movements like Occupy and critiques of multinational corporations reflect Marxist concerns.
Critics argue that Marxism lacks predictive power and overlooks agency, identity, and environmental concerns. Yet, neo-Marxist scholars have adapted it to study globalization, labor migration, and financial imperialism.
Conclusion:
While politically sidelined, Marxist analysis remains relevant in critiquing global capitalism and systemic inequality.
[2020] What are the core assumptions of idealism as an approach to study International Relations? Explain its continuing relevance in peace building. *(10m)*
Introduction:
Idealism in international relations promotes the idea that ethical norms, cooperation, and rationality can guide global politics. It gained prominence after World War I as a reaction to power-centric diplomacy.
Body:
The core assumptions of idealism include:
Despite criticisms of naivety, idealism remains relevant in modern peace-building through:
Conclusion:
Idealism continues to shape peace-building by emphasizing values, cooperation, and institution-led conflict resolution.
[2019] Explain the relevance of the Marxist approach in the context of globalization. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Marxist approach, rooted in historical materialism, analyses politics and economics through class struggle, modes of production, and the role of capital. In the context of globalization, it provides a critical lens to examine global inequality, exploitation, and the structural dynamics of capitalism at the international level.
BODY:
Globalization, in Marxist terms, is an advanced stage of capitalism that internationalizes capital accumulation and extends class relations across borders. It facilitates the mobility of capital while rendering labor increasingly immobile and fragmented, reinforcing global hierarchies.
Marxists argue that globalization intensifies the exploitation of the Global South by the capitalist core through unequal trade, debt dependency, and corporate domination. Multinational corporations extract surplus value by relocating production to low-wage economies, creating a global reserve army of labor, perpetuating exploitative labor relations and wage suppression across borders.
Institutions like the IMF and World Bank are seen as instruments of capitalist imperialism, enforcing neoliberal policies such as privatization, financial liberalization, deregulation, and austerity that favor global capital at the expense of local populations. This reproduces dependency, underdevelopment, and social discontent.
Furthermore, cultural globalization, from a Marxist perspective, spreads consumerist ideology and alienation, masking real class contradictions with false consciousness. Resistance movements, including alter-globalization and workers’ mobilization, are interpreted as manifestations of global class struggle.
Despite critiques of economic determinism, Marxism remains relevant in explaining transnational class dynamics, the crisis-prone nature of global capitalism, and the growing inequalities under neoliberal globalization.
CONCLUSION:
The Marxist approach offers a powerful critique of globalization as a vehicle for capitalist expansion and structural exploitation. By emphasizing class, imperialism, and systemic contradictions, it remains a relevant framework for understanding and challenging the injustices embedded in the global order.
[2018] Critically examine the Functionalist approach to the study of International Relations. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Functionalism, developed by David Mitrany, is a liberal theory in International Relations that emphasizes technical cooperation as a foundation for peace. It argues that conflict can be minimized by fostering collaboration in economic and social sectors beyond the realm of traditional politics.
BODY:
The central premise of functionalism is that cooperation in non-political areas—such as health, transport, and communication—will generate trust and spillover effects, eventually leading to political integration. This idea influenced early European integration, especially the creation of the European Coal and Steel Community.
Functionalism emphasizes pragmatism over ideology. It suggests that states will transfer loyalties to supranational bodies once functional benefits are realized. It later evolved into neo-functionalism with Ernst Haas introducing concepts like political spillover.
However, critics argue that functionalism underestimates the enduring nature of state sovereignty and national interests. Realist scholars maintain that without a balance of power, international cooperation remains fragile. Moreover, functionalism’s assumption that technical cooperation leads to deeper integration has failed in many regions, where political divergences have stalled cooperation.
Pandemics and climate change revived interest in functionalist cooperation, though nationalism often limits its effectiveness. The functionalist assumption that technical solutions can bypass political conflict appears optimistic in a world shaped by identity politics and strategic rivalry.
CONCLUSION:
Functionalism presents a hopeful vision of international cooperation, especially in addressing transnational issues. Yet, its limitations lie in downplaying political conflicts and power structures. It remains useful as a complementary, not standalone, approach in the study of global relations.
[2018] Bring out the major differences between the Classical Realism of Hans Morgenthau and the Neorealism of Kenneth Waltz. *(10m)*
Introduction:
Classical Realism and Neorealism are two key strands in realist theory, differing in their explanation of state behavior in the anarchic international system.
Body:
Classical Realism, as articulated by Hans Morgenthau, attributes conflict to human nature. He emphasized political ethics, prudence, and the concept of the national interest shaped by power.
In contrast, Neorealism (Structural Realism), developed by Kenneth Waltz, shifts the focus from human nature to international structure. Waltz argues that the anarchic nature of the international system compels states to pursue power for survival, regardless of internal motives.
Key differences:
Despite differences, both theories uphold power politics and state-centric analysis.
Conclusion:
While rooted in similar assumptions, Classical Realism is human-centric, whereas Neorealism emphasizes structural constraints.
[2017] Is Realist Approach the best method to understand International Relations? Examine this in the context of Classical Realism. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Realist approach, particularly Classical Realism, views international politics as a perpetual struggle for power among self-interested states in an anarchical world. Rooted in the works of Thucydides, Hobbes, and Hans Morgenthau, it remains one of the most enduring frameworks in International Relations (IR).
BODY:
Classical Realism emphasizes human nature as inherently power-seeking, projecting this drive onto state behavior. Morgenthau’s six principles underscore concepts like national interest defined in terms of power, the centrality of sovereignty, and the inevitability of conflict due to the imperfect nature of man.
Supporters argue that Realism provides a timeless, parsimonious explanation of state behavior, prioritizing empirical observation over normative ideals such as global justice or cosmopolitan ethics. It accurately explains historical events such as the Peloponnesian War, balance-of-power politics in Europe, and Cold War bipolarity.
However, its limitations lie in its state-centrism, neglect of non-state actors, and inadequate attention to economic, environmental, and ideological variables. It underplays cooperation, institutions, and norms which are central to liberal and constructivist paradigms. Moreover, in an increasingly interconnected world, Realism’s pessimism is seen as insufficient to explain the rise of global governance structures, the spread of democratic norms, humanitarian interventions, or the growing influence of identity and ideational forces.
In practice, Classical Realism offers valuable insights into strategic behavior and power politics but falls short in explaining the complexities of modern IR—such as climate diplomacy, cyber threats, or transnational movements—which require multi-actor and multidimensional approaches.
CONCLUSION:
While Classical Realism provides foundational insights into conflict and power, it is not the singular best method to understand IR today. A comprehensive analysis must integrate Realism with liberal, constructivist, and critical approaches to grasp the evolving, pluralistic nature of global politics.
[2017] Examine the World Systems Approach as developed by Immanuel Wallerstein. *(15m)*
Introduction:
Immanuel Wallerstein’s World Systems Theory conceptualizes the international system as a capitalist world economy divided into core, periphery, and semi-periphery regions.
Body:
Wallerstein rejected the nation-state as the unit of analysis and focused on historical capitalism as a global structure that perpetuates inequality. The core countries dominate through capital and technology; the periphery provides cheap labor and raw materials; semi-periphery serves as a buffer zone.
Key features:
Wallerstein integrates Marxist economics with a global lens, offering a macro-sociological critique of liberal and realist theories. It explains why development is uneven and how global hierarchies persist despite decolonization.
Critics argue it underplays agency, focuses too much on economics, and neglects cultural and political dynamics.
Conclusion:
World Systems Theory offers a structural understanding of global inequality, making it crucial for analyzing North-South dynamics in global politics.
[2024] The changing global order and ongoing regional conflicts, with the global powers taking sides, have jeopardized the progress made towards disarmament in the past. Comment. *(10m)*
Introduction:
Disarmament refers to the reduction or elimination of weapons, especially weapons of mass destruction, through international agreements. The post–Cold War optimism of arms control has been eroded by geopolitical rivalries and regional instability.
Body:
The current global order is marked by the rise of multipolarity, renewed great power rivalry, and growing militarization. The breakdown of landmark treaties—such as the INF Treaty and the weakening of New START—reflects a reversal in disarmament momentum.
Conflicts like the Russia–Ukraine war, US–China tensions, and proxy wars in the Middle East have led global powers to prioritize strategic deterrence over disarmament. Regional powers like North Korea and Iran are developing nuclear capabilities, justifying them as deterrents against external threats.
Global powers often take sides, blocking consensus in disarmament forums like the Conference on Disarmament. The credibility of the NPT regime is eroding, as nuclear weapon states fail to fulfil disarmament commitments.
New domains—such as cyber weapons, space militarization, and AI warfare—remain outside regulatory frameworks, compounding risks. The idea of cooperative security is giving way to competitive arms buildup.
Conclusion:
Disarmament is no longer a global priority, as geopolitical contestations and regional crises push states toward rearmament, threatening international peace.
[2024] "The Gramscian theory of hegemony provides many valuable insights into the nature of global power." Comment. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Antonio Gramsci, a Marxist thinker, developed the concept of hegemony to explain how dominant classes maintain control not merely through coercion, but by manufacturing consent through cultural and ideological leadership. In global politics, Gramscian theory provides a lens to understand how global powers perpetuate dominance without overt force or direct domination.
BODY:
Gramsci distinguished between coercive power (hard power) and ideological domination (soft power). In international relations, global powers establish hegemony by shaping global norms, values, legal regimes, and institutions to reflect and advance their interests. Institutions like the IMF, World Bank, and WTO, though appearing neutral, propagate neoliberal ideologies that align with dominant capitalist powers.
The U.S. hegemony, for example, has been sustained not just by military might but also through cultural hegemony—via media, education, and the global promotion of liberal democratic values. This “consensual leadership” legitimizes global structures that privilege the dominant state.
Gramscian insights also explain the role of intellectuals, think tanks, and transnational elites in creating and maintaining the ideological scaffolding of global hegemony. Hegemony is never permanent; it faces resistance from counter-hegemonic forces—seen in the rise of BRICS, alternative financial institutions like the AIIB, or populist-nationalist backlashes against globalisation.
Critically, Gramsci alerts us to the subtle forms of domination that operate through ideas and institutions rather than brute force. This offers a powerful framework to understand not just past Western dominance but also the emerging power contests in today’s multipolar world.
CONCLUSION:
Gramscian theory broadens the understanding of power in international politics. By highlighting ideological and institutional mechanisms of control, it remains a relevant and insightful framework to analyse both existing hegemons and emerging global challengers.
[2023] What do you mean by offensive and defensive realism? *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Offensive and defensive realism are two major strands within the neorealist school of thought in International Relations. While both agree on the anarchic structure of the international system and the primacy of states, they differ in how states pursue power to ensure survival.
BODY:
Defensive realism, associated with Kenneth Waltz, argues that states are primarily security maximizers rather than power maximizers. Excessive accumulation of power, according to Waltz, invites balancing behaviour from other states and can be counterproductive. Therefore, states should maintain sufficient power to ensure survival but avoid provocation.
Offensive realism, championed by John Mearsheimer, contends that in an anarchic international system, states can never be certain of others’ intentions. Hence, rational states will seek to maximize their power, even striving for regional hegemony to ensure their security. Mearsheimer’s view holds that power accumulation is not just strategic but necessary for long-term survival.
Both approaches are rooted in the neorealist assumption of anarchy, self-help, and rationality, but diverge sharply in policy prescriptions. While defensive realism explains balancing and status quo behaviour, offensive realism offers insights into expansionism, conflicts, and aggressive foreign policies.
Contemporary international dynamics—such as China's assertiveness in Asia or Russia's actions in Ukraine—are often cited as empirical illustrations of offensive realist behaviour, whereas European integration and restraint in post-war Germany reflect defensive realism.
CONCLUSION:
Together, offensive and defensive realism provide nuanced lenses to interpret state behaviour. Their divergence helps in understanding why some states act aggressively while others adopt cautious, status quo strategies in an anarchic international system.
[2022] National Interest is an essentially contested concept. Comment. *(10m)*
Introduction:
National interest refers to the goals that a state pursues in international politics, typically involving security, power, and prosperity. Yet, its meaning and scope are highly debated.
Body:
The concept is essentially contested because it varies across ideologies and contexts. Realists define it narrowly in terms of power and survival. Liberals include economic welfare, institutional cooperation, and democratic values. Constructivists argue that national interest is socially constructed, shaped by identity and norms.
Domestic factors like regime type, leadership, and public opinion further influence its definition. For instance, humanitarian intervention may be justified as national interest by some, while others may see it as a moral overreach.
In foreign policy, invoking “national interest” often serves to justify diverse, even contradictory actions—e.g., military intervention vs. diplomatic engagement.
Conclusion:
Given its fluid and subjective nature, national interest remains a contested yet central concept in international relations theory and practice.
[2022] Discuss the conceptual dimensions of collective security. *(15m)*
Introduction:
Collective security is a principle under which states agree that aggression against one is aggression against all, and they commit to respond collectively. It seeks to prevent war through deterrence and cooperation.
Body:
The concept rests on several assumptions:
It aims to replace the balance of power with a more legal-institutional mechanism. The League of Nations and later the United Nations (UN) embodied collective security, especially through Chapter VII of the UN Charter.
However, issues like veto power, politicization, and selective enforcement undermine its effectiveness. The US-led intervention in Iraq (2003) bypassed collective mechanisms, exposing structural weaknesses.
Despite challenges, collective security remains a normative ideal, guiding UN peacekeeping and global responses to aggression.
Conclusion:
Though difficult in practice, collective security remains a foundational ideal for maintaining international peace and order.
[2021] What is ‘complex interdependence'? Discuss the role of transnational actors in the international system. *(15m)*
Introduction:
The concept of “complex interdependence” was introduced by Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye to describe a world where states are connected by multiple channels and military force is not the dominant tool of policy.
Body:
It challenges the realist view by emphasizing:
Transnational actors such as multinational corporations (MNCs), NGOs, international organizations, and advocacy networks play key roles:
These actors challenge state sovereignty, reshape diplomacy, and foster both cooperation and conflict across borders.
Conclusion:
Complex interdependence reflects the evolving nature of global politics where transnational actors are indispensable components of the international system.
[2020] Explain the concept of balance of power. What are the various techniques of maintaining balance of power? *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Balance of Power (BoP) is a central concept in realist theory, referring to a condition in the international system where power is distributed in such a way that no single state dominates. It aims to prevent hegemony and preserve stability through counterbalancing strategies.
BODY:
Balance of power operates on the assumption that states are rational actors seeking survival in an anarchic international system. When one state becomes too powerful, others align to restore equilibrium. This mechanism can be automatic or deliberately pursued.
There are several techniques for maintaining balance of power:
Critics argue that BoP often leads to arms races and wars, rather than peace. Liberals advocate for collective security through institutions, while constructivists question the assumption of static interests and anarchic inevitability.
CONCLUSION:
Despite criticisms, the balance of power remains a foundational concept to understand global order. In a multipolar or shifting unipolar world, BoP continues to inform alliance strategies and defence postures across regions.
[2020] Enumerate the challenges in the operation of the principles related to collective security in the UN Charter. *(15m)*
Introduction:
The UN Charter establishes collective security under Chapter VII, where all member states commit to collectively respond to threats. However, its implementation faces significant challenges.
Body:
Key operational challenges include:
These structural flaws limit the UN’s ability to uphold its collective security mandate. Peacekeeping, though helpful, is often reactive and constrained by mandates.
Conclusion:
To make collective security operationally effective, institutional reform and renewed commitment to multilateralism are essential.
[2018] What, according to Joseph Nye, are the major sources of a country's soft power? Discuss its relevance in the contemporary world politics. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Joseph Nye coined the term "soft power" to describe the ability of a country to shape the preferences of others through attraction rather than coercion or payment. It contrasts with hard power, which relies on military and economic might.
BODY:
According to Nye, the key sources of a country’s soft power include:
In today’s interconnected world, soft power is increasingly relevant. Nations like India leverage yoga, Ayurveda, and democratic ethos, while China promotes Confucius Institutes and infrastructure diplomacy. In geopolitical rivalries, soft power helps build trust, counter hostile narratives, and project leadership without confrontation.
CONCLUSION:
Soft power enhances global influence in subtle yet significant ways. In an era of image politics and public diplomacy, Nye’s framework remains central to understanding statecraft.
[2024] The expansionist tendencies of the current Russian regime indicate its intentions for the realization of a Greater Russia on the lines of the Soviet era. Comment. *(10m)*
Introduction:
The concept of a “Greater Russia” evokes the reassertion of Russian influence across its former Soviet space. Under President Vladimir Putin, Russia has increasingly demonstrated assertive behavior rooted in nationalism, historical revisionism, and strategic expansionism.
Body:
Russia’s actions in Crimea (2014), support for separatists in Eastern Ukraine, military involvement in Georgia (2008) and Syria, and the full-scale invasion of Ukraine (2022) reflect attempts to regain lost geopolitical ground.
Putin’s rhetoric glorifies Soviet power and laments the USSR’s collapse as a “geopolitical catastrophe.” The idea of a Russkiy Mir (Russian World) fuels intervention in ethnic Russian or Russian-speaking regions. Institutions like Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and Eurasian Economic Union also reflect ambitions of regional dominance.
However, unlike the ideological export of communism under the USSR, present-day expansionism is more ethno-nationalist and strategic, aimed at securing buffer zones and resisting NATO/EU influence.
This expansionism has led to renewed Cold War-like tensions, NATO expansion, economic sanctions, and global polarization, undermining global stability and disarmament efforts.
Conclusion:
While different in ideological tone from Soviet-era imperialism, current Russian actions signal a revival of geopolitical ambitions, seeking a restored sphere of influence under the guise of historical and strategic imperatives.
[2024] Do you agree with the view that the USA uses NATO as a traditional tool of strategy to perpetuate its hegemony in the world? *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
NATO, established in 1949, was initially a collective security arrangement to counter the Soviet threat. However, many scholars argue that the United States has historically used NATO not just for defense, but as a strategic instrument to maintain global dominance and project its hegemony.
BODY:
The U.S. maintains overwhelming influence in NATO's command, logistics, and strategic direction. Through NATO, the U.S. ensures European dependence on American security guarantees, thereby restricting the rise of an independent European defense identity. The continued expansion of NATO eastward after the Cold War—despite the dissolution of the Warsaw Pact—demonstrates its utility in extending U.S. strategic reach.
NATO operations beyond the North Atlantic, such as in Afghanistan (2001) and Libya (2011), reflect Washington’s ability to marshal allied support for its global interventions. By embedding its leadership in NATO’s military and bureaucratic structures, the U.S. controls agenda-setting and resource allocation, ensuring alignment with its strategic goals.
Moreover, NATO serves as a market for U.S. arms industries and a platform to isolate adversaries like Russia or manage the rise of China. Critics argue this undermines multilateralism and aggravates tensions, evident in Russia’s response to NATO’s eastward movement in Ukraine.
However, proponents contend NATO is based on mutual consent and democratic values, not unilateral domination. It also enables burden-sharing among allies.
CONCLUSION:
While NATO is formally a multilateral alliance, the disproportionate influence of the U.S. supports the argument that it functions as a traditional instrument for sustaining American hegemony in global affairs.
[2023] Discuss the relevance of the normative ethos of the Non Aligned Movement in magnifying India's soft power in pursuit of her national interest. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), founded in 1961, was rooted in principles of peaceful coexistence, anti-colonial solidarity, and non-alignment in great power rivalries. For India, a founding member, NAM’s normative ethos remains vital in shaping its soft power and foreign policy orientation.
BODY:
India’s leadership in NAM gave it moral legitimacy among post-colonial states. Its commitment to sovereignty, non-intervention, and South-South cooperation built India’s image as a principled, autonomous actor. Even after the Cold War, India continues to project these values to strengthen diplomatic capital, especially in the Global South.
India’s soft power—rooted in democracy, pluralism, culture, and developmental diplomacy—is reinforced by NAM’s legacy. India’s vaccine diplomacy during COVID-19, humanitarian aid to Africa, and advocacy for equitable climate policies all resonate with NAM’s ethos of solidarity and justice.
In multilateral forums like G-77, WTO, and UN, India invokes NAM values to advocate for reform, equity, and representation, enhancing its credibility as a voice for the voiceless. Its digital public goods initiatives, International Solar Alliance, and India-Africa cooperation echo NAM’s emphasis on inclusive development.
However, India also faces challenges in balancing strategic alignments—such as QUAD and Indo-U.S. ties—while preserving its image as non-aligned. Critics argue that this may dilute its moral authority, but India maintains that strategic autonomy and value-based engagement are not mutually exclusive.
CONCLUSION:
NAM’s normative foundations continue to magnify India’s soft power by anchoring its foreign policy in justice, autonomy, and South-South solidarity. In an evolving global order, these principles serve both ethical and strategic functions in advancing India’s national interest.
[2023] How does the regime change and political crisis in Myanmar threaten regional security and peace? *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The military coup in Myanmar in February 2021, which overthrew the democratically elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi, has plunged the country into political instability. The ensuing civil unrest, humanitarian crisis, and armed conflict have created serious implications for regional peace and security in South and Southeast Asia.
BODY:
Firstly, the crisis has triggered a large-scale displacement of civilians, particularly ethnic minorities such as the Chin and Rohingya. Refugees have fled to neighbouring countries like India, Thailand, and Bangladesh, straining border security and humanitarian resources.
Secondly, the internal conflict has emboldened armed ethnic insurgencies and led to the formation of the People’s Defence Force (PDF), intensifying violence. These developments risk Myanmar becoming a failed state, serving as a breeding ground for transnational crime, arms smuggling, and terrorism.
Thirdly, instability in Myanmar undermines the unity and credibility of ASEAN. Despite its principle of non-interference, ASEAN has faced pressure to mediate but has struggled to enforce its Five-Point Consensus. This weakens regional mechanisms of conflict resolution and trust.
Fourthly, geopolitical rivalries over Myanmar’s strategic location—bordering India and China and facing the Bay of Bengal—further complicate regional dynamics. China's growing economic and strategic investments raise concerns in New Delhi, while the political vacuum invites great power competition.
CONCLUSION:
Myanmar’s crisis has far-reaching consequences beyond its borders, threatening regional stability, humanitarian norms, and institutional cohesion. Addressing the situation requires coordinated efforts by ASEAN, neighbouring states, and global actors to restore democracy and stability.
[2023] During the Cold War, the Non-Aligned Movement tried to become a "Third force" in World Politics, but failed because it was too large and unwieldy. Discuss. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), established in 1961 under leaders like Nehru, Tito, and Nasser, aimed to create a “third force” that would resist alignment with either the U.S.-led capitalist bloc or the Soviet-led communist bloc. While NAM achieved some diplomatic successes, it fell short of becoming a cohesive global force.
BODY:
NAM’s early goals—anti-colonialism, peaceful coexistence, and South-South solidarity—resonated with newly independent states. It played a role in advocating nuclear disarmament, decolonisation, and economic equity through forums like UNCTAD and the New International Economic Order (NIEO).
However, NAM’s structural weaknesses hindered its evolution into a strong “third force.” The movement was too diverse, encompassing countries with conflicting ideologies, economic systems, and strategic priorities. While some members leaned towards the U.S., others tilted towards the Soviet bloc, undermining collective action.
The absence of a formal institutional structure meant that NAM lacked enforcement mechanisms or economic and military strength comparable to the two superpowers. Its overexpansion—eventually including more than 100 states—diluted its unity and focus.
Moreover, NAM’s emphasis on moral and diplomatic principles could not counter the hard power politics of the Cold War. By the 1980s, debt crises, internal conflicts, and structural adjustment programs further weakened member states, limiting NAM’s influence on global governance.
Nevertheless, NAM provided a platform for the Global South to assert independence and shape discourse on decolonisation and development. Its normative legacy continues to influence India’s foreign policy and Global South solidarity.
CONCLUSION:
While NAM did not succeed as a cohesive “third force,” it played a historic role in articulating the concerns of developing nations. Its failure was due to structural diversity and lack of power resources, not the absence of a compelling vision.
[2023] Discuss the various constraints on American hegemony today—Which of these are likely to become more prominent in the future? *(15m)*
Introduction:
American hegemony refers to the US-led unipolar world order that emerged after the Cold War. However, multiple internal and external constraints now challenge its dominance.
Body:
Internally, rising political polarization, debt burden, economic inequality, and isolationist tendencies (e.g., “America First”) have weakened global leadership credibility.
Externally, the rise of China as a peer competitor, Russia's military assertiveness, and EU's strategic autonomy aspirations challenge US supremacy. Multipolarity and regional power assertiveness reduce US influence.
The erosion of soft power—due to unilateral wars (Iraq), withdrawal from treaties (Paris Accord, JCPOA), and global surveillance revelations—has damaged moral authority.
Technological diffusion and digital sovereignty demands also threaten US digital dominance. The weaponization of interdependence—seen in global supply chain competition and semiconductor control—has turned former strengths into vulnerabilities.
In the future, the most prominent constraints may include:
Conclusion:
While still a major power, the US faces mounting systemic constraints that may dilute its hegemony in favor of a more contested global order.
[2022] Critically examine the rise of People's Republic of China (PRC) as a great power and its implications on Asian Political order. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The rise of the People's Republic of China (PRC) as a major economic and military power marks one of the most significant developments in global politics in the 21st century. Its growing regional and global ambitions have profound implications for the Asian political order.
BODY:
China’s economic transformation since Deng Xiaoping’s reforms in 1978 has enabled it to become the world’s second-largest economy. Initiatives like the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) reflect Beijing’s efforts to reshape regional economic frameworks around its interests.
Militarily, China’s rapid defence modernization and assertiveness in the South China Sea—coupled with the militarization of artificial islands—have challenged freedom of navigation and territorial claims of ASEAN nations. Its growing naval presence and strategic moves along the Indo-Pacific, including the “String of Pearls” strategy, raise alarms in India and Japan.
Politically, China’s rise has emboldened authoritarian regimes and challenged the liberal democratic norms traditionally backed by Western powers. Its model of development without political liberalisation appeals to several Asian states. However, it also leads to concerns about debt-trap diplomacy and regional dependency.
India-China border tensions, U.S.-China rivalry, and strategic alignments like QUAD and AUKUS are direct responses to China’s assertiveness. While some Asian states accommodate Beijing’s rise, others hedge or resist, leading to a fluid, uncertain regional order.
CONCLUSION:
The PRC’s emergence as a great power has disrupted the traditional Asian balance. While it offers economic opportunities, its assertive policies and growing influence have introduced strategic instability, prompting realignments and recalibrations across the region.
[2022] Bipolar structure of the world is more stable than the multipolar one. Comment. *(10m)*
Introduction:
A bipolar world is dominated by two superpowers, whereas multipolarity involves several major powers balancing each other. Scholars differ on which ensures greater stability.
Body:
The Cold War era exemplified bipolarity—US and USSR maintained a stable deterrence despite ideological hostility. With clear lines of alliance, crises like the Cuban Missile Crisis were managed without escalation.
Bipolar systems reduce miscalculation risks, as power distributions are clearer and balancing is more predictable. Kenneth Waltz supported this view, noting that bipolarity simplifies decision-making.
Multipolarity, as seen in pre–World War I Europe, can be unstable due to fluid alliances, strategic ambiguity, and misperceptions. More actors increase chances of conflict escalation.
However, critics argue that bipolarity creates rigid blocs, proxy wars, and global polarization. Multipolarity may encourage diplomatic flexibility, regional balancing, and reduce zero-sum thinking.
In today’s world, the US-China rivalry signals emerging bipolarity, but also exhibits multipolar features with actors like EU, India, and Russia asserting roles.
Conclusion:
While bipolarity may offer systemic clarity, stability ultimately depends on leadership, norms, and mechanisms of conflict resolution.
[2021] Critically examine the decline of the United States of America as a hegemon and its implications for the changing international political order. *(15m)*
Introduction:
US hegemony, dominant since the end of the Cold War, is now facing erosion. This decline is not absolute but relative, reflecting internal challenges and external contestation.
Body:
Internally, economic stagnation, political polarization, and withdrawal from multilateralism (e.g., under Trump) have reduced leadership capacity. The 2008 financial crisis and COVID-19 mismanagement undermined credibility.
Externally, the rise of China, resurgent Russia, and strategic autonomy in Europe have weakened US control. The shift from unipolarity to multipolarity reflects the diffusion of power in economic, technological, and military terms.
The decline of soft power—due to wars in Iraq/Afghanistan, global surveillance, and inconsistent foreign policy—has also affected global legitimacy.
Implications include:
However, the US retains key strengths in military, innovation, and alliances, meaning it is not yet in terminal decline.
Conclusion:
The US remains influential but must adapt to a more contested world order marked by multipolarity and regional assertion.
[2020] Discuss the ways to strengthen the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) to enable it to address the challenges faced by the developing countries. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), formed in 1961, aimed to protect the interests of newly decolonised countries by avoiding entanglement in Cold War rivalries. In the post-Cold War era, NAM’s relevance has been questioned, but its potential to address the challenges of the Global South remains significant.
BODY:
To strengthen NAM’s ability to address contemporary challenges, several reforms and strategies are necessary:
CONCLUSION:
NAM’s core principles remain relevant, but to address the evolving challenges of the developing world, it must evolve into a more cohesive, action-oriented, and forward-looking platform. With reinvigoration, NAM can still serve as the collective conscience of the Global South.
[2020] Critically analyze the implications of Sino-American strategic rivalry for the South and South-East Asian region. *(15m)*
Introduction:
The strategic rivalry between the US and China, marked by trade wars, military posturing, and ideological contest, has intensified in recent years, significantly impacting South and Southeast Asia.
Body:
For South Asia, especially India, the rivalry presents both opportunities and challenges. India strengthens ties with the US through QUAD, defense pacts, and shared concerns over China’s rise, especially after the Galwan clash. However, it must manage complex ties with China in trade and regional diplomacy.
In Southeast Asia, countries like Vietnam, Philippines, and Indonesia are navigating between Chinese economic influence and US security guarantees. ASEAN states benefit from China's Belt and Road Initiative, but also fear strategic dependence and territorial aggression, especially in the South China Sea.
The rivalry complicates regional integration, splits loyalties, and militarizes diplomacy. It also polarizes regional forums (e.g., ASEAN) and risks entangling small states in big power politics.
Yet, the contest also offers strategic leverage, economic aid, and diversified partnerships for regional actors.
Conclusion:
While creating instability, the US-China rivalry also opens space for middle powers to assert autonomy and strategic agency in shaping the regional order.
[2019] Discuss the utility of Nuclear Deterrence Theory in the context of the recent standoff between India and Pakistan. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Nuclear Deterrence Theory posits that the possession of nuclear weapons deters adversaries from engaging in full-scale war due to the threat of mutually assured destruction. It has been a cornerstone of strategic stability in South Asia since both India and Pakistan became nuclear powers.
BODY:
The 2019 Pulwama-Balakot standoff offers a contemporary example. India conducted an airstrike on Balakot, and Pakistan responded with a counter-air operation. Despite heightened military tensions, both countries avoided escalation to full-scale war, largely due to the deterrent effect of nuclear weapons.
The crisis showcased how nuclear deterrence can constrain conflict and maintain a threshold below which hostilities are managed. Both sides engaged in calibrated military responses, communication with global powers increased, and diplomatic channels were activated quickly.
However, critics argue that nuclear deterrence has not prevented proxy wars or terrorism, and instead fosters risk-taking under the “nuclear umbrella.” The threat of accidental or inadvertent escalation also persists in such crises.
CONCLUSION:
While nuclear deterrence has prevented full-scale war, it cannot eliminate conflict. Its utility lies in restraining escalation, but it must be complemented by crisis management mechanisms and dialogue to ensure regional stability.
[2019] Write a brief note on the 17th NAM Summit in Venezuela. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The 17th Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) Summit was held on Isla Margarita, Venezuela, in September 2016 under the theme “Peace, Sovereignty and Solidarity for Development.” It was chaired by Venezuela’s President Nicolás Maduro, who took over the chairmanship from Iran.
BODY:
The summit focused on reaffirming NAM’s commitment to multilateralism, peaceful coexistence, and development. Key concerns included global governance reforms, climate change, UN Security Council restructuring, and opposition to unilateral coercive measures like sanctions.
The summit adopted two key outcomes: the “Declaration of Margarita” and an extensive Final Document that laid down the collective vision of NAM member states on political, economic, and social issues. However, participation at the highest level was relatively low, and the domestic instability of the host nation limited global attention and impact.
Despite logistical challenges, the summit underscored the enduring relevance of NAM in representing the voice of the Global South in an increasingly multipolar world.
CONCLUSION:
The 17th NAM Summit aimed to revitalize the movement’s role in defending sovereignty, promoting peace, and ensuring equitable development, even amid internal and global uncertainties.
[2019] Identify the benefits of a multi-polar world. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
A multipolar world refers to an international system where multiple states or power centers possess comparable influence globally. Unlike unipolar or bipolar orders, multipolarity encourages power diffusion and diversified leadership, making global politics more balanced and representative.
BODY:
One of the major benefits of a multipolar world is the prevention of hegemony. When power is distributed among several states, no single country can dominate global affairs, promoting checks and balances in international relations.
Second, it fosters inclusive multilateralism. Multipolarity enables diverse voices—regional powers, middle powers, and emerging economies—to shape global governance institutions like the UN, WTO, and climate regimes, leading to more equitable decision-making.
Third, it encourages regional stability. Regional powers such as India, Brazil, or South Africa can take leadership in addressing area-specific issues, promoting context-sensitive solutions rather than externally imposed models.
Fourth, it promotes competitive cooperation. Powers are incentivized to engage in diplomatic, economic, and technological outreach to secure influence, which can benefit smaller states through strategic partnerships, infrastructure investments, and development assistance.
Fifth, it supports normative diversity. A multipolar order allows for multiple development paths, political systems, and cultural models to coexist, resisting the homogenization often associated with unipolarity.
Finally, it strengthens resilience in global crises. With several capable actors, global responses to pandemics, climate change, or conflicts can be more distributed and effective.
CONCLUSION:
A multipolar world nurtures a more balanced, democratic, and participatory global order. By dispersing power, it enables shared leadership and greater room for sovereign choices, especially benefiting the Global South.
[2018] Discuss the implications of the Trump-Kim Singapore Summit on the prospects of denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Singapore Summit held in June 2018 between U.S. President Donald Trump and North Korean leader Kim Jong Un marked the first-ever meeting between sitting leaders of the two countries. It raised hopes for denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula and represented a diplomatic breakthrough after years of escalating tensions.
BODY:
The summit produced a joint statement in which North Korea committed to work toward complete denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula in exchange for U.S. security guarantees. It established high-level diplomatic engagement, suspension of military exercises, and partial sanctions relief. The meeting symbolised personal diplomacy, with expectations that direct communication could reduce misperceptions and build trust.
For denuclearisation prospects, the Summit’s main positive implication was that it opened channels for dialogue, slowed North Korea’s nuclear programme momentum, and raised international awareness. It also earned Kim legitimacy while putting a spotlight on peace prospects.
However, critics argue that the Summit lacked specificity, timelines, and verification mechanisms. The vague commitment to denuclearisation and absence of sequencing raised concerns over North Korea’s likely delay, partial compliance, or continued clandestine development. The suspension of sanctions without concrete concessions undermined leverage. Moreover, follow-up negotiations stalled, and North Korea continued missile tests, suggesting limited impact on actual denuclearisation.
Nonetheless, the diplomatisation of conflict lowered immediate military risks and forged a precedent for future summits, including the subsequent Hanoi meeting and the DMZ meeting.
CONCLUSION:
The Trump–Kim Summit moved the needle toward diplomacy and risk reduction but fell short of delivering verifiable denuclearisation. It symbolised opportunity, yet without concrete commitments or follow-through, its implications remain uncertain and fragile.
[2018] Discuss the significance of Non-Aligned Movement as a unique contribution of the Non-Western world to World Politics. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), founded in 1961 in Belgrade by leaders like Nehru, Nasser, Tito, and Sukarno, was a product of the decolonisation era. It represented the assertion of newly independent nations to pursue an autonomous foreign policy, resisting alignment with either the U.S. or Soviet blocs during the Cold War. NAM stands as a remarkable collective contribution of the Global South to world politics.
BODY:
NAM was significant for challenging the bipolar Cold War order. It introduced a third force that rejected the logic of bloc politics and promoted the principles of peaceful coexistence, non-intervention, and sovereign equality.
It elevated moral diplomacy over military alliances. Member states argued for disarmament, peace, and a just international order, particularly through forums like the UN, where NAM became a powerful voting bloc.
NAM was instrumental in advancing decolonisation and anti-apartheid movements. Its support to African and Asian nations under colonial rule catalysed global awareness and diplomatic pressure on colonial powers.
It contributed to the demand for a New International Economic Order (NIEO), seeking to correct structural inequalities in trade, finance, and technology between the North and South.
NAM also served as a platform for South–South cooperation, allowing newly independent states to exchange ideas, experiences, and developmental strategies outside of Western-dominated institutions.
In the post-Cold War era, though its relevance is debated, NAM still plays a role in defending multilateralism, sovereignty, and resisting neocolonial tendencies.
CONCLUSION:
NAM’s emergence reflected the political consciousness of the post-colonial world. Its unique contribution lies in institutionalising the voice of the Non-Western world, promoting equity, autonomy, and justice in global politics beyond power-centric paradigms.
[2017] The development of advanced missile technology and nuclear threat by North Korea has challenged the American hegemony in South-East Asia. Evaluate the above statement in the context of recent developments in the region. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The advancement of missile and nuclear capabilities by North Korea presents one of the most significant strategic challenges to U.S. influence in East Asia. As Pyongyang tests long-range missiles and miniaturizes its nuclear arsenal, Washington’s position as regional security guarantor faces renewed stress and recalibration.
BODY:
North Korea’s progress with intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), submarine-launched ballistic missiles (SLBMs), and nuclear warheads capable of threatening U.S. mainland and allies undermines the perceived effectiveness of American deterrence. This technical evolution erodes the credibility of U.S. extended deterrence to allies in Japan and South Korea, compelling them to hedge or diversify their security arrangements.
In response, the U.S. has deepened military ties and presence in the region—enhancing missile defenses, conducting joint exercises like “Kill Chain‑Plus,” and deploying THAAD and Forward Deployed Naval assets. Despite this, North Korea’s asymmetric threat continues to compel U.S. strategy adjustments and reinforces urgency in diplomacy.
Beyond the peninsula, Pyongyang’s capabilities have created strategic anxieties among Southeast Asian states. ASEAN countries, while not directly threatened, now face potential escalation spilling over in a crisis. As a result, there is growing interest in strategic autonomy and multilateral security frameworks, including ASEAN defence dialogue, Quad outreach, and increased engagement with China and Russia for balancing.
The nuclear challenge also fuels regional nuclear perceptions. South Korea and Japan debate potential deterrence options, weakening America’s exclusive role. Even as the U.S. reaffirms its alliance networks, North Korea’s capabilities introduce uncertainty into long-term U.S. dominance.
CONCLUSION:
North Korea’s missile and nuclear advances do not topple American hegemony in East Asia, but they significantly complicate it. U.S. dominance remains, but it operates under constant pressure to adapt its deterrence, reassure allies, and cooperate regionally. American hegemony thus remains vulnerable and contingent in the face of evolving asymmetric threats.
[2017] Do you endorse the view that the end of Bipolarity and the rise of multiple regional organisations has made Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) more or less irrelevant? *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), established during the Cold War, aimed to provide an alternative to bloc politics. With the collapse of bipolarity and the proliferation of regional groupings like BRICS, SCO, ASEAN, and AU, questions have emerged regarding NAM’s contemporary relevance.
BODY:
Critics argue that NAM’s central premise—to remain outside superpower rivalries—has diminished in importance in a unipolar or multipolar world. The end of the Cold War removed the strategic compulsion to stay non-aligned, leading to a dilution of NAM’s political coherence. Moreover, member states often pursue diverse strategic alignments today, such as India’s involvement in QUAD, reducing NAM to a rhetorical platform.
The rise of regional organisations has further marginalised NAM’s role in promoting economic cooperation, conflict resolution, and development. Many of these groupings provide more institutionalised and targeted mechanisms, making NAM appear outdated and overly broad in agenda.
However, NAM still plays a symbolic and normative role. It continues to advocate for the sovereignty of developing nations, UN reforms, and global equity. In an era of renewed great power rivalries, NAM’s emphasis on strategic autonomy has regained partial relevance, especially for small and medium powers.
Additionally, NAM provides a diplomatic space for South–South cooperation and collective bargaining in multilateral forums like the UN and WTO.
CONCLUSION:
While NAM’s influence has declined due to structural changes in global politics, dismissing it as entirely irrelevant overlooks its continued normative and representational significance. Its role must evolve to align with contemporary geopolitical realities and development needs.
[2024] The return of trade barriers and economic sanctions has diminished the spirit of GATT. In this context, discuss the factors contributing to the decline of WTO in recent times. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The World Trade Organization (WTO), established in 1995 as a successor to GATT, aimed to liberalise trade and promote multilateralism. However, in recent years, the resurgence of trade protectionism and economic sanctions has challenged its relevance and authority.
BODY:
One major factor behind the WTO’s decline is the rise of unilateralism and trade wars, especially between major economies like the U.S. and China. Instead of resolving disputes through WTO mechanisms, countries increasingly impose tariffs and countermeasures independently, undermining rules-based trade.
Second, the collapse of the Doha Development Round reflected deep divisions between developed and developing nations. Issues like agricultural subsidies, market access, and special and differential treatment remain unresolved, stalling consensus.
Third, the Appellate Body crisis has paralysed the dispute settlement mechanism. The U.S. blocked appointments of judges, citing bias and overreach, effectively freezing the body since 2019, thereby weakening WTO’s enforcement capability.
Fourth, the proliferation of regional and bilateral trade agreements has bypassed the WTO framework. Groupings like RCEP, CPTPP, and the EU’s trade pacts operate outside WTO’s multilateralism, shifting trade governance to preferential mechanisms.
Fifth, the WTO has struggled to address new trade challenges—such as digital commerce, environmental standards, and labour rights—leaving it disconnected from current global economic dynamics.
CONCLUSION:
The WTO faces a legitimacy and functionality crisis amid rising protectionism, geopolitical tensions, and internal deadlocks. Reviving its role demands institutional reforms, restoration of its dispute mechanism, and renewed commitment to multilateralism in a fragmented global trade order.
[2022] Identify and evaluate the reasons for deadlock in the WTO negotiations on fisheries between the developing and developed countries. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The WTO fisheries negotiations, part of the Doha Development Agenda, aim to regulate harmful subsidies contributing to overfishing and ecological depletion. However, a deadlock persists between developed and developing countries due to divergent interests, developmental asymmetries, and concerns over livelihood security.
BODY:
A primary reason for the deadlock is the developmental disparity in the fishing sectors. Developed countries provide massive subsidies to large-scale industrial fleets, while developing nations support small-scale, livelihood-based fisheries. The uniform application of subsidy restrictions would disproportionately affect developing nations.
Second, historical responsibility is contested. Developing countries argue that overfishing and stock depletion were largely caused by the industrial practices of the North, and thus, they should bear greater responsibility. Developed countries, however, push for equal subsidy caps, ignoring this asymmetry.
Third, there is concern over the livelihood of small fishers in developing countries. Nations like India, Indonesia, and several African states demand a longer transition period and carve-outs to ensure food security and employment in coastal communities.
Fourth, the lack of effective monitoring and transparency in subsidy reporting has created mistrust. Developing countries believe that developed nations under-report subsidies or classify them under different heads, weakening the negotiation process.
Fifth, North-South trust deficit and inadequate Special and Differential Treatment (SDT) provisions further deepen the stalemate. Developing nations perceive the negotiations as another attempt to curtail their policy space while allowing richer nations to maintain dominance.
CONCLUSION:
The deadlock in fisheries negotiations reflects broader structural inequalities within the WTO. Addressing it requires balancing sustainability with equity, ensuring that environmental goals do not come at the cost of livelihoods and sovereign development priorities of the Global South.
[2020] Critically evaluate the role of the United States of America in the World Trade Organization (WTO) dispute settlement mechanism and its implications for the future of the WTO. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Dispute Settlement Mechanism (DSM) of the WTO is a cornerstone of the multilateral trading system, ensuring enforcement of rules and peaceful resolution of trade conflicts. The United States, a founding member and frequent user of the mechanism, has played both constructive and obstructive roles in its functioning.
BODY:
The U.S. has long criticised the Appellate Body for alleged judicial overreach, procedural delays, and inconsistency with WTO texts. While the DSM has ruled both in favour of and against the U.S., Washington increasingly viewed it as infringing on national sovereignty and economic interests.
From 2017, the U.S. began blocking appointments to the Appellate Body, eventually leading to its paralysis in December 2019. This effectively suspended the final stage of WTO dispute resolution, undermining trust in the system and leaving trade disputes unresolved or subject to power-based politics.
The U.S. position reflects a broader shift towards unilateralism and bilateralism, evident in the use of Section 301 tariffs and trade wars, especially with China. Such moves erode the credibility of multilateral institutions and encourage other states to bypass the WTO.
However, the U.S. remains a critical actor in WTO reform debates. Its concerns have catalysed discussions on restructuring the Appellate Body, enhancing transparency, and rebalancing obligations between developed and developing countries.
CONCLUSION:
While the U.S. has exposed key weaknesses in the WTO’s dispute mechanism, its obstructionist approach threatens the rule-based order it once championed. The future of the WTO hinges on reconciling U.S. demands with institutional integrity and restoring the legitimacy of the multilateral trade system.
[2020] Explain the significance and importance of the demand raised by the developing countries for a New International Economic Order (NIEO). Are they likely to achieve their objectives of NIEO in foreseeable future? *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The demand for a New International Economic Order (NIEO) emerged in the 1970s as a collective call by developing countries (Global South) to reform the global economic system that they viewed as inequitable, exploitative, and dominated by the industrialised North.
BODY:
The NIEO sought to correct the historical imbalances rooted in colonialism and unequal trade terms. Key objectives included equitable access to markets, fairer pricing of primary goods, greater technology transfer, increased development assistance, sovereign control over natural resources, and a more democratic international economic governance system.
The demand was institutionalised through the UN General Assembly Resolution 3201 (1974). The movement reflected the economic nationalism of post-colonial states and aimed to restructure institutions like the IMF, World Bank, and GATT to reflect the voices of developing countries.
NIEO's importance lies in its attempt to promote distributive justice in international economics and ensure that growth and development are inclusive and not dictated solely by Western interests. It was also a precursor to South–South cooperation and contemporary calls for reform in WTO and UN bodies.
However, the objectives remain only partially realised. The neoliberal turn of the 1980s, debt crises, and globalisation weakened NIEO momentum. Despite renewed discussions on global equity, structural asymmetries persist, and the existing global order remains tilted in favour of developed countries.
CONCLUSION:
While NIEO may not materialise in its original form, its normative appeal endures. Achieving its goals in the foreseeable future depends on collective bargaining, institutional reform, and the assertive diplomacy of the Global South in a multipolar world.
[2019] How are the rising powers challenging the USA and Western dominance in the IMF and the World Bank? *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank, founded at the Bretton Woods Conference in 1944, have traditionally been dominated by the USA and its Western allies through weighted voting systems, leadership conventions, and agenda-setting powers. However, the rise of emerging economies like China, India, Brazil, and Russia is challenging this hegemony both from within and outside these institutions.
BODY:
Firstly, rising powers have demanded reform in quota and voting shares to reflect the current global economic realities. The 2010 IMF quota reform, implemented in 2016 after prolonged resistance, slightly increased the representation of countries like China and India. However, Western countries, especially the U.S., continue to hold a veto over major decisions.
Secondly, countries like China are creating parallel institutions to dilute Western monopoly. The Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and the New Development Bank (NDB) established by BRICS offer alternative sources of development finance with less political conditionality and faster approval mechanisms. These institutions promote a more multipolar financial architecture.
Third, the leadership monopoly—where the IMF is traditionally headed by a European and the World Bank by an American—is increasingly questioned by the Global South as undemocratic and outdated.
Fourth, rising powers are advocating for a development-oriented approach rather than neoliberal structural adjustment prescriptions. This challenges the ideological orientation of IMF-World Bank programs and their conditionalities tied to market reforms.
Fifth, initiatives like China’s Belt and Road Initiative offer large-scale infrastructure financing, competing with World Bank lending, especially in Africa and Asia.
CONCLUSION:
Rising powers are pushing for a more balanced and inclusive global economic order. While Western dominance in IMF and World Bank persists, these institutions face mounting pressure to reform or risk losing legitimacy amid the growing influence of alternative financial frameworks led by emerging economies.
[2018] Some feel Multinational Corporations (MNCs) are a vital new road to economic growth, whereas others feel they perpetuate underdevelopment. Discuss. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Multinational Corporations (MNCs) are large business entities that operate across multiple countries. While often seen as agents of global economic integration and investment, they also attract criticism for their role in sustaining inequalities and underdevelopment, particularly in the Global South.
BODY:
Proponents argue that MNCs bring foreign direct investment (FDI), generate employment, transfer technology, and integrate local economies into global value chains. Their presence often leads to infrastructure development, managerial training, and enhancement of local entrepreneurship. For developing countries lacking capital and expertise, MNCs serve as important conduits for economic modernisation and growth.
Additionally, competition from MNCs may improve efficiency and product quality in domestic markets, while their global networks can open export opportunities for host countries.
However, critics highlight that MNCs often repatriate profits, contribute to capital flight, and engage in transfer pricing to minimise tax obligations. They tend to exploit cheap labour and weak environmental regulations, leading to what is termed the “race to the bottom.”
MNCs are also accused of crowding out local enterprises, deepening dependency, and exercising disproportionate influence over policy decisions, often at the cost of local needs. Moreover, their operations may prioritise extractive industries or consumer goods over essential sectors, distorting development priorities.
Thus, while MNCs offer economic opportunities, their contribution to sustainable and equitable development remains contested.
CONCLUSION:
MNCs can support economic growth, but unregulated operations risk reinforcing structural underdevelopment. A balanced approach involving strong regulatory frameworks, accountability, and alignment with national development goals is essential for harnessing their benefits.
[2023] What is the structure and functions of the International Court of Justice? *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The International Court of Justice (ICJ), established in 1945 under the UN Charter, is the principal judicial organ of the United Nations. It is based at The Hague, Netherlands, and settles legal disputes between states and gives advisory opinions on international legal issues.
BODY:
Structure:
The ICJ comprises 15 judges elected for nine-year terms by the UN General Assembly and the Security Council, voting independently. Judges must represent the main forms of civilization and legal systems of the world, with no two judges from the same country. The Court is assisted by a Registry and may form chambers for specific cases.
Functions:
CONCLUSION:
The ICJ plays a pivotal role in upholding international law and resolving disputes. However, its effectiveness depends on state cooperation and the willingness to comply with its judgments.
[2023] Discuss the structure and functions of the UN Security Council. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is the primary organ responsible for maintaining international peace and security under the UN Charter. Established in 1945, it has both decision-making power and binding authority over member states.
BODY:
Structure:
The UNSC consists of 15 members—5 permanent members (P5): the USA, UK, France, Russia, and China, and 10 non-permanent members elected by the General Assembly for two-year terms, with geographical representation.
The P5 members have veto power, enabling them to block any substantive resolution. The presidency of the Council rotates monthly among its members in alphabetical order.
Functions:
While its decisions are binding, criticism surrounds the lack of reform, the use of veto, and underrepresentation of the Global South.
CONCLUSION:
The UNSC remains central to global peacekeeping efforts. However, its credibility and legitimacy depend on democratization, transparency, and balanced representation in line with contemporary global realities.
[2022] Describe the composition of the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Discuss its voluntary jurisdication. *(15m)*
Introduction:
The International Court of Justice (ICJ) is the principal judicial organ of the United Nations, tasked with settling legal disputes between states and offering advisory opinions.
Body:
Composition:
Voluntary jurisdiction:
Despite these limitations, the ICJ plays a key role in norm development, conflict resolution, and maintaining legal order among states.
Conclusion:
The ICJ’s voluntary jurisdiction ensures state sovereignty but also limits the court’s universal effectiveness.
[2021] What measures have been undertaken by the United Nations for its reforms? *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Reform of the United Nations has been a long-standing demand to enhance its effectiveness, representation, and legitimacy. In response, the UN has undertaken several measures to adapt to evolving global challenges.
BODY:
CONCLUSION:
While structural reforms remain limited, the UN has initiated administrative and functional improvements. However, meaningful transformation requires political consensus, especially among powerful member states.
[2020] Discuss the significance and urgency of the UN Security Council reforms. Explain the relevance of the reform proposals made by the UN Secretary General António Guterres for the developing countries. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The UN Security Council (UNSC), despite being the most powerful organ of the United Nations, faces growing criticism for its unrepresentative structure and undemocratic decision-making. Calls for reform have intensified, particularly from developing countries, to reflect contemporary geopolitical realities. António Guterres, since taking office in 2017, has emphasised the need for comprehensive reforms to revitalise multilateralism.
BODY:
Significance and Urgency of Reforms:
The current composition of the UNSC—with five permanent members (P5) holding veto power—reflects the post-World War II power structure, not the multipolar world of today. Emerging powers like India, Brazil, South Africa, and others from Africa and Latin America are excluded from permanent membership, leading to a crisis of legitimacy and representation.
Frequent misuse of the veto, especially in humanitarian crises (e.g., Syria, Palestine), has paralysed the Council. Reform is essential to restore credibility, enhance inclusivity, and ensure effective conflict resolution in a rapidly changing international order.
Relevance of António Guterres' Reform Proposals for Developing Countries:
Guterres has advocated for equitable representation, calling for expansion in both permanent and non-permanent categories, with stronger representation for Africa, Asia, and Latin America.
He also promotes greater transparency and accountability in UNSC decision-making, which benefits smaller and developing nations traditionally excluded from core negotiations.
His push for multilateral diplomacy, preventive peacebuilding, and people-centred UN reform aligns with the developmental and security concerns of the Global South.
Further, Guterres supports strengthening the UN’s partnership with regional organisations, which empowers developing regions to take the lead in resolving local conflicts.
CONCLUSION:
UNSC reform is vital for upholding the democratic values of the UN Charter. Guterres’ reform proposals provide a meaningful framework for making the Council more inclusive, representative, and responsive to the needs of the developing world.
[2020] Examine the role of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and other major efforts by the UN to address the global environmental crisis. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), established at the Rio Earth Summit in 1992, serves as the primary international treaty for addressing climate change. Alongside other UN-led initiatives, it plays a central role in guiding global environmental governance.
BODY:
Role of UNFCCC:
The UNFCCC provides a legal and institutional framework for international cooperation on climate change. It promotes differentiated responsibilities, enabling countries to address emissions based on historical contribution and capacity.
Key achievements include:
It also facilitates climate finance, capacity building, and technology transfer, especially for developing countries.
Other UN Environmental Efforts:
CONCLUSION:
The UNFCCC and associated UN initiatives provide the backbone of global climate action. However, challenges persist in enforcement, financing, and equity. Greater political will, ambition, and cooperation are essential to avert irreversible environmental degradation.
[2019] In what way does the predominance of the USA in the UN funding affect its decision-making? *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The United States has historically been the largest financial contributor to the United Nations, funding around 22% of the regular budget and a significant share of peacekeeping operations. This financial predominance directly and indirectly influences the UN’s decision-making processes.
BODY:
The U.S. uses its financial leverage to shape priorities within the UN system, often aligning programs and missions with its foreign policy interests. For example, funding decisions impact the agenda of UN agencies such as WHO, UNRWA, and UNESCO, with the U.S. withholding or withdrawing support based on political considerations.
Additionally, U.S. influence affects appointment of key personnel, including the Secretary-General and agency heads, ensuring alignment with Western liberal values and strategic preferences.
Its dominance can also lead to self-censorship within the UN bureaucracy, where agencies avoid criticism of U.S. policies (e.g., Israel-Palestine issue) to maintain funding flows.
However, overdependence also creates fragility. Budget cuts or political shifts in Washington can disrupt UN functioning, affecting programs in developing nations.
CONCLUSION:
While the U.S. plays a crucial financial role, its disproportionate influence risks undermining the UN’s neutrality, multilateral ethos, and representative character.
[2019] Evaluate the role of the International Court of Justice in inter-State disputes. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The International Court of Justice (ICJ), established in 1945 as the principal judicial organ of the UN, adjudicates legal disputes between states and offers advisory opinions. It plays a significant role in upholding international law and providing a peaceful mechanism for dispute resolution.
BODY:
The ICJ has successfully resolved several territorial, maritime, and diplomatic disputes, such as the Nicaragua v. USA (1986), the India-Bangladesh maritime dispute, and the Burkina Faso–Mali boundary case. These cases highlight the ICJ’s ability to clarify legal issues, reduce tensions, and prevent escalation.
Its strength lies in its judicial authority and neutrality, contributing to the development of customary international law and reinforcing legal norms among states. The ICJ’s decisions carry moral and legal weight, even though enforcement depends on state compliance.
However, the ICJ’s effectiveness is limited by its voluntary jurisdiction—states must consent to the Court’s authority. Some powerful nations either ignore its rulings or avoid participation altogether. For example, the U.S. rejected the ICJ’s judgment in the Nicaragua case.
Moreover, the ICJ cannot deal with non-state actors, internal conflicts, or enforce binding judgments without support from the UN Security Council, where veto politics may block enforcement.
CONCLUSION:
While the ICJ remains a key institution for peaceful settlement of inter-state disputes and legal development, its influence is constrained by structural and political limitations. Strengthening its jurisdiction and ensuring broader compliance are essential for enhancing its global relevance.
[2018] Discuss the relevance of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on the security of women in conflict zones. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Adopted unanimously in October 2000, United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 was the first formal and legal document recognising the unique impact of armed conflict on women and the vital role women play in peace and security. It forms the cornerstone of the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda.
BODY:
UNSCR 1325 calls for the increased participation of women at all levels of decision-making in conflict resolution, peacebuilding, and post-conflict reconstruction. It stresses the importance of mainstreaming gender perspectives in UN peace and security efforts and urges the protection of women and girls from sexual and gender-based violence in conflict zones.
The resolution is highly relevant as it:
In conflict zones like the Democratic Republic of Congo, Syria, and Afghanistan, women face disproportionate threats, including rape, displacement, and exclusion from peace processes. UNSCR 1325 mandates their inclusion in peace negotiations, improving both the legitimacy and durability of peace agreements.
However, implementation has been inconsistent. Many countries lack National Action Plans, and women's participation in peace talks remains symbolic or marginal. Moreover, enforcement mechanisms are weak, and funding for WPS initiatives remains insufficient.
CONCLUSION:
UNSCR 1325 remains a landmark in recognising women's agency in conflict and peace. To realise its full potential, global commitment must translate into action through inclusive policy frameworks, better monitoring, and sustained political and financial support.
[2017] Do you agree with the view that despite the limitations in the functioning of the UN, it has distinguished and unique achievements to its credit? *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The United Nations (UN), founded in 1945 to promote peace, development, and cooperation, has faced criticism for inefficiencies, politicisation, and structural imbalance. Yet, it has made remarkable contributions in various domains, making it a distinguished institution in global governance.
BODY:
The UN has played a pivotal role in conflict prevention and peacekeeping, deploying over 70 peacekeeping missions and helping resolve conflicts in Cambodia, Sierra Leone, and Namibia. Despite challenges, it remains the most legitimate global platform for crisis response.
It has also contributed immensely to decolonisation, facilitating the independence of more than 80 countries through its support for self-determination and trusteeship system.
In the field of development, the UN’s initiatives like the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) have created a universal framework for addressing poverty, inequality, and climate change.
Agencies like WHO, UNICEF, UNHCR, and UNESCO have made critical interventions in public health, education, refugee protection, and cultural preservation.
Moreover, the UN has advanced international law through instruments like the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) and the functioning of the International Court of Justice and other legal mechanisms.
However, the UN faces limitations such as the veto power in the Security Council, underrepresentation of the Global South, funding constraints, and slow reform processes.
CONCLUSION:
Despite structural flaws and operational limitations, the UN’s achievements in peacekeeping, development, human rights, and legal norms are unique and enduring. It continues to be an indispensable institution in the quest for a more just and cooperative world order.
[2024] What were the limitations of NAFTA? How did its replacement by the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement counter them? Explain. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), implemented in 1994, aimed to create a trilateral trade bloc among the USA, Canada, and Mexico. Despite boosting trade volumes, NAFTA faced criticism for its structural flaws, leading to its replacement in 2020 by the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA).
BODY:
Limitations of NAFTA:
How USMCA Addressed These Issues:
CONCLUSION:
While NAFTA significantly boosted trade, its socio-economic shortcomings led to domestic discontent. USMCA attempts to balance free trade with fair labour, environmental sustainability, and national interest, marking a shift toward more regulated regionalism.
[2024] Do you agree with the view that the EU has thus far proved to be the most successful experiment in the regional integration processes? Account for its successes and also some of the recent challenges that it is faced with. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The European Union (EU) is widely regarded as the most advanced and institutionalised example of regional integration. Evolving from the European Coal and Steel Community (1951) to a political and economic union of 27 states, the EU has set a benchmark for supranational governance and regional cooperation.
BODY:
Successes of the EU:
Recent Challenges:
CONCLUSION:
Despite recent setbacks, the EU remains the most comprehensive and resilient regional integration project, balancing sovereignty with supranationalism, and offering a model for cooperative governance in a fragmented world.
[2023] Account for the rise of the European Union as a highly influential regional organisation. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The European Union (EU) has emerged as one of the most influential regional organisations in the world, shaping global economic, political, and normative agendas. Originating in post-World War II reconciliation efforts, the EU today represents a unique model of supranational governance.
BODY:
Foundational Roots and Evolution:
The EU’s foundation lies in the European Coal and Steel Community (1951) and the Treaty of Rome (1957), which set the stage for deeper integration. The Maastricht Treaty (1992) formally established the EU, expanding cooperation into foreign policy, security, and justice.
Economic Power and Institutional Strength:
Soft Power and Normative Leadership:
Diplomatic and Strategic Role:
CONCLUSION:
The EU’s rise as an influential regional organisation stems from its commitment to integration, shared sovereignty, and rule-based order. Its model demonstrates the potential of collective action in an increasingly fragmented global landscape.
[2022] Russian-Ukraine crisis has cast a dark shadow on the energy needs of the member states of the European Union (EU). Comment. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Russian-Ukraine crisis, which escalated into full-scale war in 2022, has had profound geopolitical and economic implications. One of the most immediate and serious effects has been the disruption of energy supplies to the European Union (EU), exposing its strategic vulnerabilities and dependence on Russian energy.
BODY:
Dependence on Russian Energy:
Before the war, the EU imported approximately 40% of its natural gas and 25% of its oil from Russia, making Russia a dominant supplier. Countries like Germany, Hungary, and Austria were heavily reliant on Russian pipelines such as Nord Stream 1.
Crisis-Induced Disruptions:
Strategic Shifts and Responses:
Long-Term Implications:
CONCLUSION:
The Russian-Ukraine crisis has exposed the EU’s energy dependencies and forced a rethinking of its energy security framework. It marks a turning point, pushing the EU toward greater diversification, sustainability, and strategic autonomy in energy policy.
[2021] Explain the success of ASEAN as a regional organisation. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), established in 1967, has emerged as one of the most successful regional organisations in the Global South. With ten member states, it aims to promote regional peace, stability, and economic cooperation while upholding principles of non-interference and consensus.
BODY:
Political and Security Cooperation:
Economic Integration:
Institutional Development and Norm Building:
Global Engagement:
CONCLUSION:
ASEAN’s success lies in its pragmatic, incremental approach to integration and its ability to harmonise diversity. While it faces challenges in cohesion and enforcement, its achievements in peace and economic growth are significant in the developing world context.
[2021] Explain India's relations with the European Union in the context of Brexit. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Brexit—the United Kingdom’s formal exit from the European Union in 2020—reshaped the geopolitical and economic landscape of Europe. For India, it marked a strategic opportunity to recalibrate its relations with both the EU as a bloc and the UK as an individual power.
BODY:
India-EU Relations Post-Brexit:
Strategic and Political Dimensions:
Brexit-Specific Opportunities and Challenges:
CONCLUSION:
Brexit served as a strategic inflection point, encouraging India and the EU to enhance cooperation on multiple fronts. The recalibrated relationship reflects a mutual recognition of economic and geopolitical complementarities in a post-Brexit global order.
[2020] Critically analyze the role of ASEAN in the promotion of regional peace and security through economic cooperation and trade. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), established in 1967, was primarily conceived as a political and security community to promote regional peace and stability. Over time, economic cooperation and trade have emerged as key instruments in ASEAN’s strategy to sustain peace and foster regional integration.
BODY:
ASEAN has played a significant role in linking economic interdependence with peace. The creation of the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA) in the 1990s, and later the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC), enabled a rise in intra-regional trade, foreign direct investment, and production networks. Economic cooperation has reduced historical hostilities, built mutual stakes in stability, and fostered habits of dialogue and negotiation.
The logic of "peace through prosperity" is reflected in ASEAN’s ability to maintain relative calm despite the diversity of its members in terms of political systems and economic development. By institutionalising cooperation, ASEAN has prevented escalation of tensions in disputes like the South China Sea and promoted conflict avoidance mechanisms such as the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) and the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF).
However, ASEAN’s consensus-based “ASEAN Way” often hampers timely decisions on security matters, especially when member interests diverge. Economic integration also remains shallow compared to the EU, and growing external dependencies, especially on China, raise concerns about strategic autonomy.
CONCLUSION:
ASEAN has effectively leveraged economic cooperation and trade to promote peace and security in Southeast Asia. Yet, its informal structure and internal asymmetries limit its capacity to address complex security challenges decisively, necessitating deeper integration and reform.
[2019] Evaluate the role of BIMSTEC in multi-sectoral technical and economic cooperation. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC), established in 1997, is a regional organisation comprising seven countries from South and Southeast Asia. Its objective is to promote regional integration through cooperation in multiple sectors including trade, connectivity, energy, and security.
BODY:
BIMSTEC provides a unique bridge between South Asia and ASEAN, facilitating cooperation in fourteen priority areas such as transport, tourism, energy, public health, technology, and agriculture. The grouping has made strides in connectivity projects like the BIMSTEC Motor Vehicles Agreement and the BIMSTEC Grid Interconnection for energy sharing.
It also promotes technical cooperation through capacity-building, sharing best practices, and collaborative research in science, technology, and climate change. Additionally, economic collaboration is pursued through trade facilitation, business forums, and discussions on a BIMSTEC Free Trade Agreement.
However, progress has been slow due to lack of institutional capacity, absence of a permanent secretariat with adequate resources, and overlapping memberships with other regional bodies like SAARC and ASEAN.
CONCLUSION:
While BIMSTEC has significant potential for multi-sectoral cooperation, it needs greater political commitment, institutional strengthening, and faster implementation of agreed frameworks to emerge as an effective regional platform.
[2018] Since its inception the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) has failed to deliver on its promises. What initiatives should be taken to reinvigorate the organization? *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
SAARC, established in 1985, was envisioned to promote regional cooperation among South Asian countries in economic, social, and cultural spheres. Despite its potential, it has largely underperformed, especially when compared to other regional groupings like ASEAN.
BODY:
SAARC’s limited success is rooted in persistent bilateral tensions, particularly between India and Pakistan, which have frequently derailed regional initiatives. Key agreements like the South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) have remained under-implemented, and the organisation lacks a strong institutional structure or enforcement mechanism.
The lack of connectivity, trade integration, and trust has stifled intra-regional cooperation. Even common challenges like poverty, terrorism, climate change, and health crises have not yielded coordinated responses. Frequent postponements of summits, including the stalled 19th SAARC Summit, further highlight the organisation's paralysis.
To reinvigorate SAARC, the following steps are essential:
CONCLUSION:
SAARC’s future depends on a pragmatic shift from political deadlock to functional cooperation. Reforms that institutionalise its agenda and prioritise common development goals can revive its relevance in South Asia.
[2017] American President Donald Trump's proposal to withdraw from the 'NAFTA' would bring unforeseen consequences to the regionalisation of world politics. Elaborate. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), signed in 1994, was a landmark regional trade agreement between the US, Canada, and Mexico. President Donald Trump’s 2017 proposal to withdraw from NAFTA or renegotiate it challenged the broader trajectory of regionalisation in global politics.
BODY:
NAFTA represented a shift toward economic regionalism, facilitating trade liberalisation and interdependence in North America. A US withdrawal would have undermined this trend and signalled a return to protectionism. It risked disrupting supply chains, harming economic stability, and increasing uncertainty in regional cooperation.
Such a move also had symbolic implications—it questioned the commitment of the world’s leading power to multilateralism and regional governance. It could have emboldened anti-globalisation forces in other parts of the world, weakening regional organisations like the EU, ASEAN, and MERCOSUR.
Furthermore, the proposal suggested a broader shift toward unilateralism in U.S. foreign policy, challenging the liberal institutionalist order that the U.S. had long championed.
CONCLUSION:
Trump’s proposal to exit NAFTA indicated not just a policy change but a fundamental departure from the spirit of regional integration, carrying global consequences for trade, diplomacy, and institutional trust.
[2017] How has 'BREXIT' affected the regionalisation process initiated by the European Union and what could be its likely impacts in the regionalisation process of world politics? *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Brexit, the United Kingdom’s formal exit from the European Union following the 2016 referendum, marked the first instance of a member leaving the EU. As a reversal of the post-WWII regional integration trajectory, Brexit challenged the idea of irreversible regionalisation and raised questions about the future of such supranational experiments.
BODY:
Brexit impacted the EU’s regionalisation process both symbolically and practically. The EU lost a major economic and military power, weakening its global stature. It also prompted internal soul-searching about the nature of European integration, democratic legitimacy, and institutional rigidity.
The event exposed internal fractures within the EU—between East and West, North and South, federalists and sovereigntists—and emboldened Eurosceptic movements in countries like France, Italy, and Hungary. This slowed momentum for deeper political union and revived debates around sovereignty and national identity.
At the global level, Brexit questioned the durability of regional blocs and supranational governance. It could potentially discourage other regions from pursuing deep integration. In South Asia, Africa, and Latin America, the emphasis may shift toward flexible and issue-based cooperation rather than binding treaties.
However, the challenges Brexit posed also prompted the EU to consolidate and reaffirm its commitment to unity, as seen in post-Brexit reforms and greater push for strategic autonomy.
CONCLUSION:
Brexit weakened the normative appeal of the EU model and triggered global reassessments of regionalism. While it may not reverse regionalisation altogether, it has certainly made such projects more cautious, politically sensitive, and state-interest driven.
[2023] Narrate the various ways in which rapid environmental degradation is posing a serious threat to human security. Illustrate your answer with suitable examples. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Human security, as defined by the UNDP, extends beyond traditional notions of state security to include protection from chronic threats such as poverty, disease, and environmental hazards. Rapid environmental degradation has emerged as a major non-traditional security threat, directly impacting the well-being, livelihoods, and survival of communities worldwide.
BODY:
Climate change is the most prominent aspect of environmental degradation. Rising global temperatures have intensified the frequency of natural disasters—such as floods, hurricanes, and droughts—causing massive displacement and loss of life. The 2022 floods in Pakistan affected over 33 million people and highlighted the vulnerability of developing nations.
Water scarcity due to pollution, overuse, and climate variability is increasing regional tensions. The shrinking of the Aral Sea and desertification in the Sahel region have exacerbated food insecurity and triggered local conflicts. Deforestation and biodiversity loss also threaten indigenous communities, erode ecosystem services, and increase zoonotic disease transmission, as seen with the COVID-19 pandemic.
Environmental degradation also has indirect impacts on economic security by reducing agricultural productivity, damaging infrastructure, and forcing climate-induced migration. Coastal cities like Jakarta and Miami face long-term threats due to sea level rise, while small island nations risk existential crises.
CONCLUSION:
Environmental degradation is no longer a peripheral concern but a core threat to human security. Addressing it requires global cooperation, sustainable development policies, and integration of environmental considerations into national security frameworks to protect both people and the planet.
[2022] Discuss the efficacy of global conventions to combat international terrorism. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
International terrorism poses a grave challenge to global peace and security. In response, various global conventions and protocols have been adopted under the aegis of the United Nations and other international forums to create a legal framework for prevention, prosecution, and cooperation.
BODY:
Since the 1960s, the UN has facilitated 19 international legal instruments addressing terrorism-related issues, such as hijacking, hostage-taking, financing, nuclear terrorism, and terrorist bombings. Notable among them are the International Convention for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism (1999) and the International Convention for the Suppression of Acts of Nuclear Terrorism (2005).
These conventions have enhanced global cooperation by enabling extradition, information sharing, and harmonisation of domestic legal frameworks. Agencies such as the UN Counter-Terrorism Committee (CTC) and UNODC help in capacity-building and implementation support.
However, their efficacy is constrained by several factors. Firstly, the absence of a universally accepted definition of terrorism has hindered the conclusion of the Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism (CCIT). Secondly, selective application and political interests often dilute enforcement. For instance, designating terrorist groups varies across states, affecting uniformity in action.
Moreover, global conventions often struggle with the rise of non-state actors, lone-wolf attacks, cyber-terrorism, and the use of cryptocurrencies for terror financing—challenges that outpace the existing legal framework.
CONCLUSION:
While global conventions have laid important groundwork for legal and cooperative action, their efficacy remains uneven. Bridging definitional gaps, depoliticising counter-terror strategies, and adapting frameworks to emerging threats are essential to strengthen the global fight against terrorism.
[2021] Discuss the five proposals made by India in the recent COP-26 conference held in Glasgow. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
At COP‑26 in Glasgow (November 2021), India introduced five major climate pledges known collectively as the “Panchamrit”—a symbolic reference inspired by a traditional mixture of five nectars. These commitments define India’s enhanced climate action roadmap.
BODY:
The five proposals are:
CONCLUSION:
These five commitments represent India’s dual approach of ambitious mitigation targets and concern for equity. They signal India’s role as a responsible global actor while acknowledging its developmental needs and principles of climate justice.
[2019] Do you think that sustainable development goals are really attainable by 2030? *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), adopted in 2015 by the United Nations, consist of 17 interconnected targets aimed at eradicating poverty, reducing inequality, ensuring environmental sustainability, and promoting inclusive development by 2030. However, their attainability remains a subject of critical debate.
BODY:
While SDGs have provided a global framework for action, achieving them fully by 2030 appears increasingly difficult. Many developing countries face structural barriers like poverty, weak institutions, inadequate financing, and climate vulnerability, all of which impede progress. For instance, goals related to zero hunger, quality education, and clean water remain distant for large segments of the population.
Moreover, global crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic, economic slowdowns, and ongoing conflicts have reversed gains in health, education, and poverty reduction. Environmental targets like climate action, life below water, and responsible consumption are particularly challenging due to rising emissions and unsustainable lifestyles.
However, some progress has been made in renewable energy access, gender equality laws, and health indicators in certain regions.
CONCLUSION:
While the SDGs remain an aspirational and transformative agenda, their full realisation by 2030 is unlikely without urgent reforms in global governance, financing, and political commitment, especially from both developed and developing countries.
[2019] Discuss the importance of personal data protection in the context of human rights. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Personal data protection refers to safeguarding an individual’s personal information from unauthorised access, misuse, or exploitation. In the digital age, where personal data is constantly generated, shared, and stored, its protection has become a fundamental human rights concern.
BODY:
The right to privacy, recognised in various international human rights instruments such as Article 12 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and Article 17 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, underpins the importance of data protection. In democratic societies, protection of personal data is essential to uphold dignity, autonomy, and freedom of expression.
The misuse of data can lead to profiling, discrimination, surveillance, and denial of rights or services. Authoritarian regimes often exploit data to suppress dissent, while even democratic governments may overreach through mass surveillance or lax data regulation. Social media platforms and tech giants collect vast amounts of data, sometimes without informed consent, threatening individual control over one’s identity.
Personal data protection is also crucial in ensuring equality. Marginalised groups are disproportionately affected by data breaches or biased algorithms, reinforcing structural inequalities. Furthermore, data leaks can cause financial loss, psychological harm, and erosion of trust in institutions.
Efforts like the European Union’s GDPR and various national legislations are attempts to balance innovation with rights protection. Yet, challenges persist in implementation, cross-border data flows, and holding corporations accountable.
CONCLUSION:
In an increasingly digital world, personal data protection is no longer a technical issue but a core component of human rights. It must be addressed through comprehensive laws, robust institutions, and global cooperation.
[2018] Would you agree that the on-going debates on international environmental politics continue to be marred by a new North-South ideological divide over historical responsibility and developmental model? Illustrate your answer with suitable examples. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Yes, the ongoing debates in international environmental politics remain deeply influenced by a renewed North–South divide, centring around issues of historical responsibility, equity, and differing developmental models. This ideological rift reflects divergent priorities between the industrialised Global North and the developing Global South.
BODY:
The North, having industrialised early, contributed significantly to historical greenhouse gas emissions. Yet, it now advocates for strict emission cuts, often without sufficiently acknowledging its own past responsibilities. The South, on the other hand, argues for the principle of “common but differentiated responsibilities” (CBDR), demanding climate justice and the right to develop using available resources.
For example, developed nations have failed to fulfil their $100 billion annual climate finance commitment under the Paris Agreement, highlighting the gap between promise and delivery. Countries like India and China contend that they need carbon space for growth and poverty eradication, while Western nations push for net-zero commitments without adequate technology or finance transfer.
Moreover, the Global North promotes a green energy transition, but its model often neglects the realities of energy poverty, infrastructure deficits, and the need for industrialisation in the South. Environmental protection is sometimes used as a tool to impose non-tariff barriers or restrict development financing.
CONCLUSION:
Thus, environmental politics remains entangled in structural inequalities. Bridging this divide requires genuine dialogue, equitable climate finance, technology sharing, and a recognition of historical responsibility to foster a cooperative and just global environmental order.
[2018] Critically examine the notion of "Asian Values" in the context of the on-going debates on human rights. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The concept of "Asian Values" emerged in the 1990s as a response to Western universalism in human rights discourse. It suggests that Asian societies prioritise community over individualism, authority over dissent, and social order over liberal freedoms. Prominent leaders like Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore and Mahathir Mohamad of Malaysia championed this narrative to argue for an alternative human rights model rooted in cultural particularism.
BODY:
Proponents of Asian Values argue that Western liberal notions of human rights fail to consider historical, cultural, and societal differences. They contend that Confucian traditions, respect for authority, and familial obligations in Asia justify a more communitarian approach. This perspective maintains that economic development and social stability should precede civil and political liberties.
This view gained traction during the economic rise of East and Southeast Asian nations, where authoritarian regimes claimed success without embracing liberal democracy. China, for instance, often invokes cultural relativism to deflect criticism of its human rights record, promoting state-led development and collective welfare over individual freedoms.
However, critics argue that the notion of Asian Values is often employed to justify authoritarianism and suppress dissent. It undermines the universality of human rights as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948). Many Asian civil society movements have challenged this narrative, asserting that demands for democracy, freedom of expression, and gender equality are not Western imports but local aspirations.
Furthermore, the internal diversity of Asia itself—ranging from democratic India and Japan to autocratic North Korea—debunks the monolithic notion of a shared value system. The recent pro-democracy movements in Myanmar, Hong Kong, and Iran further highlight the demand for universal human rights across cultures.
CONCLUSION:
While cultural contexts shape the practice of human rights, the invocation of “Asian Values” as a counter-framework is both politically motivated and conceptually flawed. A balance must be struck between respecting cultural diversity and upholding the universality and indivisibility of human rights.
[2017] Give an assessment of the Feminist critique of contemporary global issues. *(10m)*
[2017] Give an assessment of the Feminist critique of contemporary global issues. (10m)
(Word Count: 172)
INTRODUCTION:
Feminist international relations theory challenges the masculine bias inherent in global politics, arguing that traditional frameworks often marginalise women’s experiences and overlook the gendered nature of power, conflict, and policy-making.
BODY:
Feminist scholars critique the militarisation of security, highlighting how war disproportionately affects women through displacement, sexual violence, and exclusion from peace negotiations. They question the realist emphasis on state sovereignty and power politics, advocating instead for human-centric and inclusive approaches to global issues.
In economic globalisation, feminists point to the exploitation of female labour in informal and low-paid sectors, and the lack of recognition for unpaid care work. Global institutions like the IMF and WTO are criticised for policies that reinforce gender inequality in the Global South.
On environmental issues, eco-feminists highlight the link between environmental degradation and the oppression of women, especially in vulnerable communities. Feminist critique also addresses the underrepresentation of women in global governance and peacebuilding forums.
CONCLUSION:
Feminist perspectives offer a valuable corrective to mainstream international relations by centering gender justice, human security, and inclusivity in addressing contemporary global challenges.
[2017] The recent move of USA to withdraw from the Paris Climate Agreement is a setback in the consensus achieved on protecting the world environment. In this context, assess the future prospectives on climate control. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Paris Climate Agreement, adopted in 2015, marked a landmark global consensus on climate action, aiming to limit global temperature rise well below 2°C above pre-industrial levels. However, the United States' decision under President Donald Trump to withdraw in 2017 dealt a blow to global climate governance, raising concerns about the future of multilateral climate control efforts.
BODY:
The U.S., being one of the largest emitters of greenhouse gases, plays a pivotal role in global climate mitigation. Its withdrawal signalled a retreat from collective responsibility, weakening momentum and potentially encouraging other reluctant states to follow suit. It also affected the financial stability of climate initiatives, especially the Green Climate Fund, where the U.S. was a major contributor.
Despite this setback, the global response showed resilience. Several U.S. states, cities, and corporations pledged to uphold the Paris targets under initiatives like “We Are Still In.” Meanwhile, the European Union, China, and India reaffirmed their commitments, positioning themselves as new leaders in climate diplomacy.
Technological advancements and falling costs in renewable energy also sustain optimism. Countries are increasingly investing in green technologies, electric mobility, and carbon-neutral targets. The entry of the Biden administration in 2021 and the U.S. rejoining the Agreement revitalised multilateral climate cooperation.
Yet, challenges persist. Many countries are not on track to meet their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). Issues like climate finance, transfer of clean technology, and a just transition for developing countries remain contentious. The COVID-19 pandemic further strained resources and shifted global focus.
CONCLUSION:
While the U.S. withdrawal in 2017 was a temporary setback, it highlighted the fragility of international climate consensus. However, the continued global commitment and resurgence of climate activism indicate that the momentum for climate control remains alive. Strengthening multilateralism, climate justice, and adherence to the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities will be key to future progress.
[2024] Would you concur with the view that of late, India’s foreign policy has been in a transition mode from Nehruvianism to Neoliberalism? Support your answer with the help of suitable examples. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Nehruvian foreign policy was rooted in idealism, non-alignment, South-South solidarity, and moral leadership in international affairs. In contrast, neoliberalism prioritises economic pragmatism, market integration, strategic autonomy, and bilateralism. Over the last few decades, especially since the 1990s and more explicitly under recent governments, India’s foreign policy has shown a clear shift towards a neoliberal orientation.
BODY:
The transition is evident in the increasing primacy given to economic diplomacy. From “Look East” to “Act East,” and “Neighbourhood First” to “Vaccine Maitri,” India has recalibrated its engagement with a focus on trade, investment, technology, and connectivity. Bilateral trade agreements, FTAs, and the pursuit of strategic economic corridors like the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEEC) reflect this neoliberal thrust.
Strategic autonomy has replaced non-alignment. While Nehru distanced India from Cold War blocs, contemporary India engages assertively with power centres. The strengthening of the QUAD with the US, Japan, and Australia, growing defence ties with Israel and France, and cautious relations with Russia reflect interest-based partnerships over ideological positioning.
India’s participation in global economic forums like G20 and WTO negotiations also indicates a shift from Third World solidarity to securing national economic interests. The decision to stay out of RCEP despite ASEAN ties exemplifies selective multilateralism driven by national priorities.
However, remnants of Nehruvianism persist—India still emphasizes South-South cooperation through initiatives like the International Solar Alliance and development assistance to African and island nations. Strategic autonomy also resonates with Nehruvian principles, albeit in a modified form.
CONCLUSION:
India’s foreign policy is undergoing a pragmatic transformation from Nehruvian idealism to neoliberal realism. While moral leadership and strategic autonomy remain, they are now framed within a context of global competitiveness, national interest, and market-oriented diplomacy. This shift reflects a broader adaptation to the changing international order and India’s aspirations as an emerging power.
[2023] Explain the major features of India's Foreign Policy in the 21st century. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India's foreign policy in the 21st century has moved towards a more pragmatic and assertive posture, combining strategic autonomy with active global engagement. It reflects a shift from moral idealism to multi-alignment and interest-based diplomacy.
BODY:
A central feature is strategic autonomy with multi-alignment, where India partners with diverse powers—like the US (QUAD), Russia, France, and the EU—without being tied to any single bloc. Dehyphenation is another key approach, wherein India maintains independent bilateral ties, such as with Israel and Palestine, or the US and Iran, without letting one influence the other.
Economic diplomacy is emphasised through initiatives like Act East, IMEEC, and connectivity projects. Security engagement includes Indo-Pacific strategy, defence exercises, and counter-terror cooperation.
Para-diplomacy—the involvement of Indian states in foreign policy through trade and cultural ties—has emerged, especially in sectors like tourism, IT, and education.
India also leverages its diaspora, participates in climate leadership (e.g., International Solar Alliance), and pushes for multilateral reforms in G20, BRICS, and the UN.
CONCLUSION:
India’s 21st-century foreign policy blends strategic realism with global leadership aspirations, rooted in autonomy, adaptability, and assertive engagement.
[2023] What are the eternal determinants of the Foreign Policy of a State? *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Foreign policy refers to the strategies adopted by a state in its interactions with the international system. While foreign policy is shaped by both dynamic and contextual factors, some determinants remain eternal—continuously influencing a state's behaviour, irrespective of changing governments or ideologies.
BODY:
CONCLUSION:
Eternal determinants provide the structural foundation of a state’s foreign policy. While tactical shifts may occur, these enduring factors continue to shape how nations perceive threats, opportunities, and global roles across time.
[2022] Critically examine the major factors responsible for a turnaround in the trajectory of India's foreign policy in the post-cold war period. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The end of the Cold War marked a significant shift in global power dynamics and forced many countries, including India, to reassess their foreign policy priorities. India's foreign policy witnessed a marked departure from Nehruvian idealism towards a more pragmatic, interest-based approach, reflecting both global transformations and domestic compulsions.
BODY:
One of the key drivers was the collapse of the Soviet Union, which eliminated India’s primary strategic partner, compelling a shift from dependence on bloc politics to a more diversified, multi-aligned approach.
Second, the Balance of Payment crisis of 1991 led to economic liberalisation, bringing foreign policy closer to trade, investment, and technology. Economic diplomacy became a core pillar, as India sought integration into global markets.
Third, the emergence of a unipolar world under US hegemony led India to engage more deeply with the US, evident in initiatives like the Next Steps in Strategic Partnership (NSSP) and the Indo-US Civil Nuclear Deal (2008).
Fourth, the rise of China as a global power and its assertiveness in South Asia and the Indo-Pacific forced India to recalibrate its strategic focus, leading to deeper engagement with ASEAN, Japan, and Australia.
Fifth, India began to prioritise diaspora diplomacy, soft power, and cultural outreach, broadening its global influence beyond traditional government-to-government relations.
Finally, the shift from non-alignment to strategic autonomy reflected India's desire to retain independent decision-making while engaging across rival power blocs.
CONCLUSION:
The post-Cold War period thus witnessed India’s foreign policy transitioning from idealism to realism, from isolation to integration, and from passive neutrality to active engagement, driven by both structural changes and strategic necessity.
[2022] Discuss the role of public diplomacy in the enhancement of India's global standing. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Public diplomacy refers to the use of communication, culture, education, and outreach to influence foreign publics and shape perceptions of a country. For India, public diplomacy has become a crucial tool in building its soft power and enhancing its global stature.
BODY:
India has actively projected its civilisational values, democratic ethos, and cultural richness through initiatives like the International Day of Yoga, popularised globally with UN support. Indian cinema, literature, cuisine, and classical arts serve as powerful non-state channels of influence.
The Indian diaspora plays a vital role in public diplomacy, acting as cultural ambassadors and contributing to host country economies and politics. Events like Pravasi Bharatiya Divas strengthen diaspora bonds.
India also engages in developmental diplomacy—offering lines of credit, training, and disaster relief to Global South countries—which fosters goodwill and trust.
Public diplomacy is enhanced through digital platforms, MEA social media campaigns, and cultural centres run by the Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR).
CONCLUSION:
By promoting its soft power, values, and people-to-people ties, public diplomacy has helped India project a responsible, pluralistic, and rising global image—complementing its strategic and economic diplomacy.
[2022] Peaceful co-existence remains the cornerstone of India's foreign policy. Comment.
INTRODUCTION:
The principle of peaceful co-existence, rooted in Panchsheel—first articulated in the 1954 agreement between India and China—has remained a foundational element of India's foreign policy. It reflects India's civilisational ethos of resolving disputes through dialogue and mutual respect.
BODY:
Even during the Cold War, India chose non-alignment, refusing to join rival military blocs and instead advocated peaceful diplomacy. It consistently supported disarmament, decolonisation, and non-intervention in the internal affairs of states.
India’s approach to neighbourhood diplomacy—through policies like “Neighbourhood First” and “Act East”—also emphasises peaceful engagement, connectivity, and mutual development. Despite border tensions with countries like China and Pakistan, India has shown restraint and consistently advocated diplomatic solutions.
In multilateral platforms like the UN, BRICS, and G20, India promotes peaceful global governance and upholds the principle of dialogue over coercion.
Even in dealing with strategic partners, India follows the doctrine of strategic autonomy, avoiding entanglements that could threaten peace.
CONCLUSION:
Peaceful co-existence is not merely an idealistic commitment in India’s foreign policy—it is a pragmatic strategy to maintain stability, preserve sovereignty, and achieve national development goals in a complex global environment.
[2021] Explain the philosophical foundations of India's foreign policy. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India’s foreign policy is not merely guided by strategic interests but is deeply rooted in its civilisational and philosophical traditions. Its foundational principles reflect a blend of ancient ethos, moral idealism, and modern constitutional values.
BODY:
The idea of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam ("the world is one family") from Indian philosophy promotes universal brotherhood and peaceful coexistence, shaping India’s approach to diplomacy and multilateralism.
Non-violence and tolerance, inspired by Buddhist and Gandhian ethics, have influenced India’s commitment to peace, dialogue, and conflict resolution. This was visible in India’s advocacy of non-alignment during the Cold War and Panchsheel principles, which emphasize mutual respect and non-interference.
The Constitution of India reflects these ideals, promoting peace and respect for international law under Article 51.
India’s civilisational outreach also underpins its emphasis on soft power—through yoga, culture, and spirituality—as a form of ethical global engagement.
CONCLUSION:
India’s foreign policy, while evolving in response to global changes, continues to draw strength from its philosophical traditions—blending realism with idealism to pursue a just, peaceful, and cooperative world order.
[2021] How do the constituent states influence the foreign policy making process in India? *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Although foreign affairs fall under the Union List in the Indian Constitution, the growing importance of paradiplomacy and cooperative federalism has enhanced the influence of Indian states in shaping aspects of foreign policy, especially in matters concerning trade, culture, and transboundary relations.
BODY:
Indian states often act as stakeholders in foreign policy when national interests intersect with regional concerns. For example, West Bengal’s reservations over the Teesta water-sharing treaty with Bangladesh affected Indo-Bangladesh relations. Similarly, Tamil Nadu’s political sensitivity to the Sri Lankan Tamil issue influences India's diplomatic posture towards Colombo.
The economic interests of states also guide India’s foreign outreach. States like Gujarat and Maharashtra actively seek foreign investment and have signed MoUs with foreign entities. Such economic paradiplomacy complements the Union’s broader economic diplomacy.
The presence of a strong diaspora from states like Punjab or Kerala has led to targeted outreach, as seen in India’s engagement with Canada or Gulf countries. Cultural linkages promoted by states add to soft power diplomacy, with institutions like ICCR supporting state-level cultural exchanges.
Furthermore, with the rise of sub-national diplomacy, Chief Ministers participate in global forums like Vibrant Gujarat or World Economic Forum, projecting regional priorities and enhancing India's federal diplomatic footprint.
However, states do not have an independent role in treaty-making or defence matters, ensuring the Union’s primacy in core foreign policy domains.
CONCLUSION:
While constitutionally limited, Indian states increasingly influence foreign policy through economic, cultural, and political pressures. This evolving paradiplomacy strengthens India’s external engagements by aligning local interests with national goals.
[2020] Describe the structure and function of the National Security Council of India. What role does it play in the formulation of Indian foreign policy? *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The National Security Council (NSC) is the apex advisory body on political, strategic, and security issues related to national and international affairs. It plays a pivotal role in shaping India's foreign and strategic policies.
BODY:
Structure:
The NSC is headed by the Prime Minister and includes the National Security Advisor (NSA), Raksha Mantri (Defence Minister), Home Minister, Finance Minister, and External Affairs Minister. It is supported by the NSC Secretariat, and three key bodies:
Functions:
Role in Foreign Policy:
The NSC ensures strategic coherence between foreign policy and national security objectives. The NSA, as a key figure, engages in backchannel diplomacy, crisis management, and strategic dialogues with global counterparts. The NSC also guides India's approach in regional conflicts, multilateral negotiations, and defence diplomacy.
CONCLUSION:
The NSC plays an increasingly crucial role in aligning foreign policy with national security, ensuring India’s external engagements are strategically sound and proactively managed.
[2019] Examine the increasing significance of maritime security in India's foreign policy. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Maritime security has emerged as a key pillar of India’s foreign policy, especially in the post-Cold War era, as the country seeks to secure its trade routes, project influence in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), and respond to growing strategic challenges, particularly from China’s expanding naval presence.
BODY:
India’s geographic location—straddling the critical sea lanes of the Indian Ocean—makes maritime security vital for national and regional stability. Over 90% of India’s trade by volume and over 80% by value passes through the sea, making sea lane security essential for economic growth.
The rise of China’s maritime assertiveness, especially through its String of Pearls strategy and presence in Djibouti and Gwadar, has compelled India to strengthen its naval capabilities and regional partnerships.
India has adopted a proactive maritime strategy through initiatives like Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR), which underlines India’s commitment to being a net security provider in the IOR.
India's participation in naval exercises like Malabar (with the US and Japan), MILAN, and multilateral platforms like IONS (Indian Ocean Naval Symposium) reflects its strategic emphasis on cooperative maritime security.
Through bilateral agreements with countries like Seychelles, Mauritius, and Sri Lanka, India has gained access to strategic maritime facilities and enhanced surveillance in the IOR.
Maritime security is also integral to India’s Act East policy, involving deeper engagements with ASEAN nations and Indo-Pacific powers to ensure a free, open, and rules-based maritime order.
The commissioning of new aircraft carriers, naval bases like Karwar, and investment in blue-water capabilities further shows India's intent to build maritime deterrence and strategic depth.
CONCLUSION:
Maritime security is no longer peripheral but central to India’s foreign policy objectives. As India aspires to become a leading power, safeguarding its maritime domain and shaping the Indo-Pacific security architecture will remain vital for regional leadership and global relevance.
[2019] Examine the role of 'parliamentary diplomacy' in India's foreign policy. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Parliamentary diplomacy refers to the use of inter-parliamentary exchanges, delegations, and forums by legislators to supplement official diplomatic efforts. It enhances foreign relations through people-centric and democratic channels.
BODY:
In India, parliamentary diplomacy has grown in significance as a tool of soft power and democratic outreach. Indian MPs participate in global forums such as the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association (CPA), and regional groupings like ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly.
Parliamentary delegations often visit foreign countries to foster goodwill, promote trade, and exchange best practices on democratic governance. Such interactions provide a platform to explain India's positions on global issues beyond formal diplomatic channels.
Parliamentary committees also engage with visiting foreign dignitaries, enhancing transparency and bipartisan foreign engagement.
India has also hosted Parliamentary Friendship Groups to deepen ties with countries like Japan, France, and the USA. These engagements reflect mutual respect among democratic institutions and help create long-term political support abroad.
CONCLUSION:
Parliamentary diplomacy has become an effective adjunct to India’s foreign policy by promoting dialogue, deepening democratic solidarity, and broadening the scope of international cooperation beyond executive diplomacy.
[2018] Do you agree with the view that the Indian Foreign Policy is increasingly being shaped by the Neoliberal outlook? Elaborate. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Neoliberalism in foreign policy emphasizes economic interdependence, market liberalization, multilateralism, and global institutional engagement. Since the 1990s, India’s foreign policy has increasingly aligned with neoliberal principles.
BODY:
The economic reforms of 1991 marked a decisive shift, where economic diplomacy began driving external engagements. India prioritized trade liberalization, foreign direct investment, and integration into global supply chains, evident in its active role in WTO, G20, and BRICS.
India’s Look East and Act East policies, bilateral FTAs, and Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreements (CEPAs) reflect its neoliberal emphasis on economic regionalism.
The shift is also visible in India’s focus on development partnerships with Africa, Latin America, and Southeast Asia, promoting South-South cooperation based on mutual benefit.
Additionally, India's engagement with multilateral institutions like the IMF, World Bank, and AIIB shows its commitment to rule-based global economic order.
Yet, elements of realism and strategic autonomy remain, especially in defence and geopolitics, indicating a hybrid approach rather than pure neoliberalism.
CONCLUSION:
While not abandoning its strategic priorities, India’s foreign policy has increasingly adopted a neoliberal outlook, where economic interests, trade integration, and institutional engagement play a central role in shaping global conduct.
[2018] Discuss the role of the Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) in promoting India's soft power abroad. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Soft power, as coined by Joseph Nye, refers to a country's ability to influence others through cultural appeal, values, and ideology rather than coercion. In India’s foreign policy, the Indian Council for Cultural Relations (ICCR) serves as a vital institutional mechanism to promote cultural diplomacy and project India’s soft power abroad.
BODY:
Established in 1950 by Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, ICCR operates under the Ministry of External Affairs and serves as the cultural wing of India’s diplomacy. Its activities are aimed at enhancing India’s image as a pluralistic, vibrant, and democratic civilization.
Cultural Exchanges and Events:
ICCR organizes cultural performances, art exhibitions, and film festivals globally, showcasing Indian classical, folk, and contemporary traditions. These activities foster cross-cultural understanding and goodwill.
Scholarships and Education Diplomacy:
It offers scholarships to thousands of foreign students from Asia, Africa, Latin America, and the Caribbean to study in Indian institutions. Alumni often serve as goodwill ambassadors of India in their home countries.
Language and Cultural Centres:
ICCR runs Indian Cultural Centres in collaboration with Indian Missions abroad. These centres conduct yoga, Hindi, and classical arts classes, reinforcing India’s civilizational appeal and values of peace and harmony.
Diaspora and Academic Outreach:
It supports conferences, seminars, and academic chairs on Indian studies across foreign universities, creating informed global discourse about Indian culture, philosophy, and foreign policy.
Commemorative Diplomacy:
ICCR plays a crucial role in promoting global events like the International Day of Yoga, and anniversaries of figures like Gandhi and Tagore, projecting India’s moral leadership and civilisational ethos.
CONCLUSION:
In an era where cultural influence is central to foreign policy, ICCR acts as a robust channel for promoting India’s soft power. By nurturing people-to-people ties and cultural diplomacy, ICCR enhances India’s global image and complements its strategic and economic engagements.
[2018] "India is often said to have a rich strategic culture." Discuss. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Strategic culture refers to a nation’s long-standing traditions, values, historical experiences, and geopolitical perceptions that shape its security and foreign policy behavior. India is widely believed to possess a deep and rich strategic culture rooted in its civilizational ethos and historical engagements.
BODY:
India’s ancient texts like Kautilya’s Arthashastra offer sophisticated insights into diplomacy, war, intelligence, and statecraft, reflecting a tradition of realist strategic thinking. Similarly, epics like the Mahabharata present moral dilemmas in war and politics, underscoring the complexity of ethical statecraft.
India’s non-alignment during the Cold War, nuclear doctrine of credible minimum deterrence, and emphasis on strategic autonomy are reflections of a deliberate and deeply embedded strategic culture that values sovereignty, restraint, and balance.
Contrary to scholars like George Tanham, who argued India lacks a strategic culture, India’s calibrated approach to conflicts—such as its handling of China and Pakistan—demonstrates strategic maturity rooted in historical wisdom and pragmatism.
CONCLUSION:
India’s strategic decisions are not ad hoc but stem from a nuanced and deeply rooted strategic culture, balancing idealism with realism, and shaped by its civilizational values and geopolitical imperatives.
[2018] India’s current foreign policy marks significant qualitative shifts from that of the previous regimes. Discuss. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India’s foreign policy has traditionally balanced non-alignment with strategic autonomy. However, recent years have witnessed notable qualitative shifts, marked by assertiveness, pragmatism, and global ambition, particularly under the post-2014 regimes.
BODY:
One major shift is the transition from non-alignment to multi-alignment. India actively engages with diverse powers such as the US, Russia, EU, and regional blocs like ASEAN and I2U2, while maintaining autonomy.
India’s approach to neighbourhood diplomacy has evolved under the “Neighbourhood First” and “Act East” policies, with increased focus on connectivity, infrastructure, and security cooperation.
Strategic assertiveness is visible in India's responses to cross-border terrorism (e.g., surgical strikes, Balakot airstrike) and its firm handling of China in Galwan.
The rise of economic diplomacy is another shift—India now leverages trade, investment, and digital cooperation as tools of influence. Diaspora diplomacy and global campaigns like International Yoga Day also reflect increased use of soft power.
India has also become an active player in Indo-Pacific regionalism, shedding past hesitations in joining groupings like the Quad.
CONCLUSION:
India’s contemporary foreign policy reflects a confident, aspirational power projecting influence through diversified partnerships, economic instruments, and strategic clarity.
[2017] Examine the Indian National Movement and geographical location of India as determinants of India's foreign policy. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India’s foreign policy is shaped by both ideational and structural factors. Among them, the legacy of the Indian National Movement and India’s unique geographical location have played foundational roles in determining its external engagements.
BODY:
The Indian National Movement, rooted in anti-colonial struggle and moral politics, significantly influenced post-independence foreign policy. Core values like non-alignment, anti-imperialism, peaceful coexistence, and international solidarity emerged from the freedom struggle. Leaders like Nehru envisioned an independent foreign policy based on sovereignty, peace, and global justice, which became the basis of India's Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and support for decolonization.
India’s geographical location—at the heart of South Asia and along vital Indian Ocean trade routes—has made regional stability and maritime security central to its strategic thinking. Surrounded by nuclear powers and volatile neighbours like Pakistan and China, India prioritizes border security, defence preparedness, and regional diplomacy. Its location also enables it to act as a bridge between East and West, making connectivity and trade corridors (e.g., INSTC, Chabahar Port) key components of foreign policy.
CONCLUSION:
Thus, both historical legacies and geographical imperatives have structurally and ideationally shaped the direction and priorities of India’s foreign policy.
[2021] Non-alignment was little more than a rational strategy on the part of a materially weak India to maximize its interests with a bipolar distribution of global power. Comment. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Non-alignment, as conceived by Nehru, was presented as a moral and principled foreign policy of peace, anti-colonialism, and strategic autonomy. However, many scholars argue it was also a pragmatic strategy by a newly independent and materially weak India navigating the Cold War’s bipolar world.
BODY:
In the aftermath of independence, India faced serious economic and military limitations. Aligning with either the US or USSR could have provided material benefits but compromised India’s sovereignty and decision-making autonomy. Non-alignment offered a rational middle path, helping India avoid entanglement in power blocs while safeguarding developmental priorities.
India used non-alignment to extract economic and military aid from both superpowers without formally siding with either. For instance, India received PL-480 wheat from the US and industrial and defence assistance from the USSR, including the Bhilai steel plant and MiG aircraft.
Strategically, non-alignment allowed India to maintain policy flexibility, support decolonization, and take independent positions on international issues such as the Korean War, Suez Crisis, and apartheid in South Africa.
However, critics argue that India’s actions—like signing the Indo-Soviet Treaty (1971) and relying on Soviet military aid—betrayed its supposed equidistance. They view non-alignment more as rhetoric masking strategic necessity.
Yet, it is important to note that non-alignment also had a larger ideological dimension. India, alongside Egypt and Yugoslavia, helped institutionalize the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), offering an alternative voice for the Global South and shaping global discourse on peace, disarmament, and development.
Thus, while India’s non-alignment was partly a response to material weakness, it was not merely tactical—it was both a value-driven choice and a strategic necessity suited to the global power structure.
CONCLUSION:
Non-alignment enabled India to balance ideals with interests, asserting autonomy in a polarized world. While shaped by material constraints, it was a sophisticated diplomatic strategy reflecting India’s larger vision for a more equitable world order.
[2019] Compare and contrast Non-alignment 1.0 with Non-alignment 2.0. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Non-alignment 1.0 and 2.0 represent two phases of India’s strategic outlook—rooted in autonomy but adapted to changing global dynamics. While both emphasize independence in foreign policy, they differ in context, content, and approach.
BODY:
Non-alignment 1.0, associated with Nehru, emerged in the Cold War era. It was a moral-political stance aimed at resisting alignment with either the US or USSR. It promoted strategic autonomy, anti-colonialism, global peace, and South-South cooperation. India positioned itself as a leader of the developing world, institutionalizing its stance through the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM).
Non-alignment 2.0, a policy framework articulated in 2012 by Indian strategic thinkers, reflects post-Cold War realities. It moves from moral posturing to strategic pragmatism, advocating multi-alignment to protect India’s core interests—economic growth, security, and global influence. It supports active engagement with major powers, regional leadership, and technological advancement, while preserving autonomy.
Unlike the ideological tone of 1.0, 2.0 is interest-driven, realist, and flexible, responding to a multipolar and interconnected world.
CONCLUSION:
Non-alignment 2.0 is not a break but an evolution—redefining autonomy through engagement, realism, and strategic flexibility in a complex global environment.
[2024] Discuss the future of SAARC in the light of India’s increased focus on other regional groupings like ASEAN and BIMSTEC. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), established in 1985, aimed to promote economic integration and regional cooperation. However, its effectiveness has been undermined by intra-regional tensions, particularly India-Pakistan hostility. In recent years, India has pivoted towards alternative groupings such as ASEAN and BIMSTEC, raising questions about SAARC’s future relevance.
BODY:
SAARC has suffered from a trust deficit, largely due to Pakistan’s repeated obstruction of initiatives, lack of consensus, and use of the platform for bilateral confrontation. The 19th SAARC summit scheduled in 2016 was indefinitely postponed after the Uri attack, symbolizing the organization’s diplomatic deadlock.
India’s shift towards BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation) reflects a strategic recalibration. BIMSTEC excludes Pakistan, includes like-minded regional partners, and focuses on connectivity, trade, and security, particularly in the Indo-Pacific.
India’s Act East Policy has also deepened ties with ASEAN, enhancing economic integration, maritime security cooperation, and cultural exchange. These groupings align more with India’s economic and strategic priorities, offering functional cooperation and flexibility, which SAARC lacks.
However, SAARC still retains potential. South Asia houses one-fourth of humanity, and regional challenges like poverty, climate change, terrorism, and health crises require collective action. A functional SAARC would benefit the entire region’s stability and prosperity.
The future of SAARC depends on:
CONCLUSION:
While India’s focus has shifted to more result-oriented groupings like ASEAN and BIMSTEC, SAARC need not be abandoned. Instead, it requires structural reforms and renewed political will. If regional tensions subside, SAARC could still complement India’s broader regional strategy and serve as a platform for South Asian unity.
[2024] Discuss the implications of the scrapping of the Free Movement Regime with Myanmar by the Indian Government on the complex ethno-political dynamics of the north-eastern region. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Free Movement Regime (FMR), a bilateral arrangement between India and Myanmar, allowed tribal communities living along the porous 1,643 km-long border to travel up to 16 km across either side without a visa. Its recent scrapping by the Indian government marks a significant shift in border governance and has deep implications for the sensitive north-eastern region.
BODY:
The FMR was rooted in the historical and ethnic contiguity of various tribes such as Nagas, Kukis, and Mizos, who reside on both sides of the border. These communities share cultural, familial, and economic ties that predate modern borders. Scrapping the FMR disrupts this traditional mobility and may fuel resentment and alienation among these border populations.
The decision also risks aggravating ethnic tensions, especially in states like Manipur, where ethnic clashes between Meiteis and Kukis have recently erupted. Many Kukis trace kinship to Myanmar's Chin people, and the restriction may be seen as targeting specific ethnic identities, thereby deepening existing fault lines.
On the security front, the government cites concerns of illegal immigration, drug trafficking, and insurgent movements exploiting the FMR. While this rationale holds merit, a blanket revocation without nuanced consultation risks undermining local goodwill and further complicating centre-state relations.
Additionally, the move may have diplomatic implications with Myanmar and could hinder cross-border cooperation in trade, security, and counterinsurgency.
CONCLUSION:
While the scrapping of FMR may be justified on security grounds, it must be balanced with sensitivity towards ethnic realities and regional aspirations. A calibrated approach involving consultation with local stakeholders is essential to prevent alienation and maintain harmony in India’s strategically vital North-East.
[2024] Bhutan has historically been an ally of India, but the China-Bhutan border-related issues have become a security issue for India. Discuss. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India and Bhutan share a time-tested relationship marked by strategic cooperation, economic aid, and cultural affinity. However, the unresolved border dispute between Bhutan and China, especially in areas close to the India-Bhutan-China trijunction, has raised significant security concerns for India.
BODY:
The most prominent flashpoint was the 2017 Doklam standoff, when China attempted to construct a road in Bhutanese territory near the Siliguri Corridor—India’s narrow land link to the Northeast. India, under its 2007 Treaty obligations with Bhutan, intervened to halt the construction, underlining the strategic importance of Bhutan’s border stability.
China’s recent claims over the Sakteng Wildlife Sanctuary in eastern Bhutan and its ongoing attempts to reach a border settlement directly with Bhutan—bypassing Indian security concerns—pose a risk to India's traditional strategic depth.
India fears that if China establishes diplomatic or military influence in Bhutan through border negotiations, it could erode India's buffer zone and surveillance advantage in the eastern Himalayas.
CONCLUSION:
While Bhutan remains a trusted ally, India must continue to diplomatically engage and economically support Bhutan to ensure that bilateral trust is preserved amidst rising Chinese assertiveness in the region.
[2024] Despite deep ties, India’s relations with Sri Lanka have seen strains due to China’s growing influence in Sri Lanka through investments and economic dominance. Analyse. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India and Sri Lanka share civilizational, cultural, and geographical proximity. However, in recent years, China’s growing footprint in Sri Lanka’s economic and strategic landscape has emerged as a source of strain in India–Sri Lanka relations.
BODY:
China has made significant inroads into Sri Lanka through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The construction of the Hambantota Port, later leased to China for 99 years due to Sri Lanka’s debt default, has raised red flags in India over possible military use under the guise of commercial infrastructure.
Similarly, Chinese involvement in the Colombo Port City Project and multiple energy and road infrastructure contracts have expanded Beijing’s leverage in the island nation’s economic and political affairs.
India’s concerns are further amplified when Chinese surveillance ships dock in Sri Lankan ports, undermining India’s maritime security in the Indian Ocean.
Though India has responded with developmental aid and investments (e.g., fuel and fertilizer assistance during Sri Lanka’s crisis), the strategic competition with China remains a challenge.
CONCLUSION:
India must continue leveraging historical ties, economic assistance, and cultural diplomacy to counterbalance Chinese influence and reassert its role as Sri Lanka’s most trusted partner.
[2023] What are the reasons for lack of 'regionness' in South Asia? *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
‘Regionness’ refers to the development of a cohesive and integrated regional identity, characterized by shared institutions, economic interdependence, and mutual political trust. In South Asia, despite geographical proximity and cultural ties, regionness remains weak and fragmented.
BODY:
One primary reason is the persistent India–Pakistan hostility, which has paralyzed SAARC and obstructed cooperative frameworks. Bilateral disputes often spill into multilateral platforms, undermining regional initiatives.
Secondly, asymmetry of power in the region, with India dominating in terms of size, economy, and military, has triggered security dilemmas and apprehensions among smaller neighbours.
Third, there is a lack of strong economic integration, as intra-regional trade in South Asia is one of the lowest globally, due to tariff barriers, poor connectivity, and mutual distrust.
Further, external actors like China and the US influence bilateral relations in the region, diluting incentives for internal cohesion.
Ethnic conflicts, border disputes, and competing nationalisms also hinder the emergence of a shared South Asian identity.
CONCLUSION:
The absence of trust, mutual accommodation, and institutional depth has kept South Asia from achieving meaningful regionness, unlike ASEAN or the EU.
[2023] Why do ethnic conflicts and insurgencies continue to remain major impediments to regional cooperation in South Asia? *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Ethnic conflicts and insurgencies are deeply embedded in the post-colonial history of South Asia. These internal upheavals often spill over borders, fuel mistrust among neighbours, and significantly weaken efforts toward meaningful regional cooperation.
BODY:
Ethnic insurgencies in one country often find cross-border linkages. For instance, the Tamil conflict in Sri Lanka had echoes in Tamil Nadu, complicating India–Sri Lanka relations. Similarly, Baloch separatism in Pakistan and Rohingya displacement from Myanmar into Bangladesh destabilize bilateral ties.
Insurgency movements have led to refugee flows, arms trafficking, and safe havens across porous borders, creating security dilemmas and hardening national boundaries. This limits the willingness of states to cooperate regionally.
Moreover, states often accuse neighbours of harbouring insurgents or supporting separatist movements, as seen between India and Pakistan over Kashmir or between Nepal and India regarding Madhesi politics.
Ethnic conflicts also create domestic political constraints, making it harder for governments to prioritize or sustain regional diplomacy over nationalist pressures.
CONCLUSION:
Until South Asian states resolve or manage their internal ethnic and insurgent challenges, regional cooperation will remain hostage to mutual suspicions and fragmented priorities.
[2022] Discuss the ways and means to realise greater economic co-operation among the Member States of South Asia. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Despite shared geography and cultural linkages, South Asia remains one of the least economically integrated regions. To unlock its growth potential, Member States must adopt concrete measures to deepen economic cooperation.
BODY:
First, revitalizing SAFTA (South Asian Free Trade Area) is crucial. Member states must reduce tariff and non-tariff barriers, harmonize standards, and ease trade restrictions to enhance intra-regional trade, which currently stands at less than 5% of total trade.
Second, investing in regional connectivity—through road, rail, and digital infrastructure—can reduce transaction costs and facilitate the seamless flow of goods, services, and people. Projects like the BBIN initiative should be prioritized.
Third, cooperation in energy security, such as establishing a South Asian energy grid and cross-border electricity trade, can ensure stable supplies and reduce costs.
Fourth, developing value chains in textiles, pharmaceuticals, and agriculture can promote interdependence and mutual economic benefit.
Finally, establishing financial cooperation mechanisms, such as a regional development bank or monetary fund, can support economic resilience.
CONCLUSION:
Greater economic cooperation in South Asia requires political will, trust-building, and a shift from bilateral rivalries to a shared vision of regional prosperity.
[2022] Discuss the consequences of illegal cross-border migration in India's north-eastern region. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Illegal cross-border migration into India’s north-eastern states—particularly from Bangladesh—has been a longstanding and sensitive issue. Driven by economic hardship, political instability, and environmental factors, such migration has had profound demographic, political, and security consequences in the region.
BODY:
One major consequence is demographic imbalance. In states like Assam and Tripura, the influx has altered the ethnic composition, leading to fears of cultural dilution among indigenous communities. This has fuelled identity-based movements like the Assam Agitation and demands for protective legislation.
Second, illegal migration aggravates ethnic tensions and social unrest, especially between migrants and local tribal populations, leading to clashes and demands for exclusionary policies. The rise of insurgent groups and vigilante violence in response to perceived demographic threats has destabilized peace.
Third, the issue complicates political dynamics, as illegal migrants often become part of electoral calculations. Allegations of vote bank politics and challenges in identifying genuine citizens have hampered consensus on citizenship policies, as seen in the NRC and CAA debates.
Fourth, the migration places pressure on land, jobs, and public services, leading to competition and resentment. It also creates border management challenges, including human trafficking and illegal trade.
Fifth, it poses a national security threat, as porous borders may be exploited by extremist groups for infiltration.
CONCLUSION:
Addressing the issue requires a balanced approach—tightening border controls, engaging with neighbouring countries, while ensuring humane treatment of migrants and safeguarding the rights of indigenous communities.
[2022] Discuss the steps required to realise 'hydro-co-operation' between India and Bangladesh. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Hydro-cooperation refers to collaborative efforts in the management, sharing, and conservation of transboundary water resources. For India and Bangladesh, this is particularly crucial as they share 54 rivers, including the Ganga, Brahmaputra, and Teesta.
BODY:
To realize meaningful hydro-cooperation, both countries must first revive stalled negotiations—especially on the Teesta water-sharing agreement, which remains unresolved due to domestic political constraints in India, particularly with West Bengal.
Second, the two nations should adopt a basin-wide approach for joint river management, involving data sharing, flood forecasting, and sediment control. This will help build trust and mitigate the adverse impacts of floods and droughts.
Third, they can establish joint river commissions with technical experts and state-level participation to ensure decentralized and inclusive water governance.
Fourth, sustainable and equitable sharing agreements must be prioritized, focusing on ecological conservation, irrigation needs, and livelihood security of both riparian populations.
Fifth, engaging in regional multilateral frameworks like BBIN (Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal) can foster broader cooperation in riverine and hydropower projects.
CONCLUSION:
Long-term hydro-cooperation between India and Bangladesh must be built on trust, transparency, and shared ecological responsibility to ensure mutual benefit and regional stability.
[2022] What are the implications of 'Look-East' Policy on the north-eastern region of India? *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India’s 'Look-East' Policy, launched in the early 1990s and later upgraded to the 'Act East' Policy, aimed to strengthen economic and strategic ties with Southeast Asian nations. The North-Eastern region of India has been envisioned as the gateway to this regional integration.
BODY:
The policy has helped bring the North-East into national strategic focus. The development of connectivity infrastructure like the India–Myanmar–Thailand Trilateral Highway and Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Project has been promoted to link North-East India with ASEAN economies.
It has spurred economic opportunities in border trade and tourism. Border haats and regional markets are being revitalized to enhance livelihoods in remote regions like Mizoram, Manipur, and Nagaland.
The policy has encouraged cultural and people-to-people exchanges, drawing on the ethnic and cultural similarities between North-Eastern tribes and Southeast Asian communities.
However, several challenges remain. Projects have seen slow implementation due to terrain, insurgency, and bureaucratic delays. Moreover, increased exposure has raised security concerns, especially in terms of cross-border insurgency and migration.
Efforts at capacity building and governance reforms in the region are still needed to enable the North-East to fully benefit from regional engagement.
CONCLUSION:
The 'Look-East' policy, while promising in principle, requires sustained political will, accelerated infrastructure development, and a sensitive approach to the region’s socio-political complexities to transform the North-East from a strategic periphery into an active participant in India’s regional diplomacy.
[2021] Discuss the strategic implications of India's 'Look East Policy' transforming into 'Act East Policy'. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India's 'Look East Policy', initiated in the 1990s, primarily focused on economic and diplomatic engagement with Southeast Asia. The transformation into the 'Act East Policy' in 2014 signalled a shift toward proactive engagement, with stronger emphasis on strategic and security dimensions.
BODY:
Strategically, the policy aims to counterbalance China’s growing influence in the Indo-Pacific. Through deeper defence cooperation with ASEAN countries and strategic partnerships with Japan, Vietnam, and Australia, India has expanded its role in regional security.
It has elevated India's participation in regional groupings such as the East Asia Summit, ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting Plus, and the Quad, thus reinforcing its commitment to a free, open, and rules-based Indo-Pacific.
The Indian Navy’s expanded presence in the South China Sea and joint military exercises with ASEAN nations reflect this strategic shift.
The policy also positions India’s North-East as a strategic bridge, enhancing connectivity and economic integration with Southeast Asia, which serves both developmental and security purposes.
CONCLUSION:
The 'Act East Policy' marks a significant strategic recalibration—moving from passive engagement to active assertion—enabling India to shape regional order and safeguard its interests in an evolving Indo-Pacific landscape.
[2021] Write a brief analysis of the ethnic conflicts and cross-border migrations along India-Myanmar and India-Bangladesh borders. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India’s borders with Myanmar and Bangladesh are porous and ethnically sensitive. Cross-border ethnic linkages and socio-political instability in neighbouring countries have contributed to persistent migration and inter-community tensions, particularly in the North-Eastern states.
BODY:
Along the India–Myanmar border, the presence of kindred ethnic groups such as Nagas, Kukis, and Mizos on both sides has led to cross-border insurgency movements, arms trafficking, and safe havens for rebel groups. The 2021 military coup in Myanmar triggered a fresh wave of refugees into Mizoram, as India shares over 1,600 km of land border with Myanmar. Ethnic conflicts in Myanmar's Chin and Sagaing regions continue to push people into Indian territory, creating security and humanitarian challenges.
In the India–Bangladesh border areas, illegal migration has persisted for decades, particularly from Bangladesh into Assam, Tripura, and West Bengal. This has altered demographic patterns, triggered identity-based political movements like the Assam Agitation, and fuelled communal tensions. It has also led to demands for stricter citizenship laws (e.g., NRC and CAA debates).
Further, migration puts pressure on resources, jobs, and public services, especially in already fragile border regions. In both borders, the lack of effective fencing and administrative coordination hampers effective management.
CONCLUSION:
To address these issues, India must strengthen border management, promote inclusive development in frontier regions, engage diplomatically with neighbours, and evolve humane yet firm migration policies to protect national security and social cohesion.
[2021] Why is South Asia considered as the world's politically and economically least integrated region? Explain. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
South Asia, despite its geographical proximity and shared civilizational heritage, remains one of the least integrated regions in the world. Institutions like SAARC have not achieved the desired political or economic cohesion due to longstanding bilateral disputes, trust deficits, and structural asymmetries among the member states.
BODY:
1. Political Rivalries and Security Dilemmas:
The India–Pakistan conflict, particularly over Kashmir, has frozen the SAARC platform and prevented joint action. Periodic military standoffs, cross-border terrorism, and zero-sum political outlooks obstruct regional collaboration. The absence of collective political will severely impairs integration.
2. Asymmetry of Power:
India’s economic and political dominance is viewed with suspicion by its smaller neighbours. Many states fear political interference and economic dependence, which has led them to hedge by seeking external actors like China for balance, reducing intra-regional cooperation.
3. Poor Intra-Regional Trade:
Intra-regional trade in South Asia accounts for less than 5% of total trade, one of the lowest globally. High tariffs, poor infrastructure, border restrictions, and non-tariff barriers inhibit economic flows. Regional agreements like SAFTA remain underutilized and ineffective.
4. Weak Institutional Mechanisms:
SAARC has failed to evolve into a robust platform like ASEAN or the EU due to lack of enforceable decisions, irregular summits, and an absence of strong secretarial leadership.
5. Internal Instability and Ethnic Tensions:
Frequent internal conflicts, insurgencies, and authoritarian tendencies in some states reduce focus on regionalism. Issues like illegal migration, water-sharing disputes, and transnational terrorism create further friction.
6. Competing Regionalism and External Dependence:
South Asian countries increasingly prioritize bilateralism or sub-regional groupings (e.g., BIMSTEC, BBIN), undermining broader regionalism. Heavy dependence on external actors for trade and security has diverted focus from intra-regional integration.
CONCLUSION:
South Asia’s regional disintegration stems from a toxic mix of historical grievances, political mistrust, and economic protectionism. A shift toward trust-building, inclusive regionalism, and institutional reform is essential to overcome these barriers and realize the region’s full potential.
[2020] Outline the reasons for the low volume of trade in the SAARC region. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Despite geographical proximity and cultural commonalities, the SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) region contributes to less than 5% of intra-regional trade—among the lowest globally. This reflects deep-rooted structural and political impediments.
BODY:
The foremost reason is political hostility, especially the India–Pakistan rivalry, which has paralysed SAARC’s economic agenda and led to limited trade channels between key members.
Second, there are high tariff and non-tariff barriers, complex customs procedures, and bureaucratic red tape that hinder smooth cross-border trade.
Third, poor connectivity infrastructure—in terms of roads, railways, and digital networks—prevents efficient movement of goods and services across borders.
Fourth, the region suffers from limited trade complementarities, as many South Asian economies have similar export baskets, leading to competition rather than cooperation.
Fifth, the lack of mutual trust and cohesive trade policy among members stalls the implementation of trade agreements like SAFTA.
CONCLUSION:
Unless SAARC members prioritize trust-building, infrastructure development, and economic complementarity, the region will continue to underperform as a trading bloc despite its vast potential.
[2020] Analyze the impact of hydro politics on Indo-Bangladesh relations. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Hydro politics refers to the political negotiations and conflicts arising from the management and sharing of transboundary water resources. India and Bangladesh share 54 rivers, making water-sharing a critical and sensitive component of their bilateral relations.
BODY:
A major point of contention has been the Teesta River water-sharing agreement, which remains unresolved due to opposition from the Indian state of West Bengal. This impasse has created political distrust and periodic strains in the relationship.
While the 1996 Ganga Water Treaty marked a high point in cooperation, concerns over upstream water diversion and dam construction by India have led to perceptions of inequity in Bangladesh, fuelling domestic political criticism.
Conversely, joint initiatives on flood control, riverbank management, and data sharing have provided scope for positive engagement. The two countries have also agreed to strengthen technical cooperation and explore integrated river basin management.
However, water issues often become symbolic of broader asymmetries, reinforcing suspicions about India's regional role.
CONCLUSION:
To improve ties, both nations must institutionalize transparent mechanisms, depoliticize water sharing, and adopt a cooperative framework that ensures equitable and sustainable use of shared river systems.
[2020] Discuss the future prospects of Indo-Nepal relations in the context of the recent publication of new Nepalese map wrongly claiming Indian territory. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Relations between India and Nepal are rooted in shared history, culture, and geography. However, the recent publication of a new Nepalese political map—incorporating Indian territories such as Lipulekh, Kalapani, and Limpiyadhura—has created diplomatic tensions and tested the bilateral framework.
BODY:
Nepal’s unilateral cartographic assertion was perceived by India as a violation of mutual understanding and trust. It coincided with heightened public sentiment within Nepal, complicating the space for diplomatic dialogue. In response, India suspended bilateral mechanisms and raised concerns about unilateral action that disrupts long-standing boundary agreements.
The map issue has sparked nationalist politics on both sides, reducing flexibility for political leadership in managing the crisis. However, both countries have demonstrated restraint: diplomatic channels remain open, border trade crossings continue, and officials from both capitals have signalled a desire to address the issue through dialogue rather than confrontation.
Looking ahead, prospects hinge on India’s continuation of economic engagement via infrastructure, hydropower, and connectivity projects, and Nepal’s willingness to engage constructively—prioritizing negotiation over nationalist posturing.
CONCLUSION:
If Delhi and Kathmandu can avoid escalation, reaffirm their shared interests, and operationalise existing institutional mechanisms for boundary resolution, future relations can stabilise. The enduring strength of bilateral ties suggests that this controversy, while serious, need not derail the broader trajectory of India–Nepal cooperation.
[2020] How does cross-border terrorism impede the achievements of peace and security in South Asia? *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Cross-border terrorism, especially in the context of South Asia, refers to terrorist activities originating from one country and perpetrated in another. It has emerged as a major challenge to regional peace, stability, and cooperation.
BODY:
The most prominent case is that of India–Pakistan relations, where terror attacks like the 2008 Mumbai attacks and the 2016 Uri and 2019 Pulwama incidents have derailed diplomatic initiatives and led to heightened military tensions.
Cross-border terrorism erodes mutual trust, leading to suspension of dialogue and regional forums like SAARC becoming dysfunctional. It forces states to divert resources to defense rather than development.
The fear of terrorism discourages economic integration, investment, and tourism, all vital for regional prosperity. It also exacerbates domestic communal tensions, feeding into radicalisation and destabilising fragile democracies.
Moreover, such terrorism provides external actors an excuse to interfere, further complicating regional geopolitics.
CONCLUSION:
For South Asia to achieve lasting peace and prosperity, it must develop a collective framework for intelligence sharing, legal cooperation, and a zero-tolerance approach to terrorism as a tool of foreign policy.
[2019] What are the current issues in Brahmaputra River water sharing between India and China? *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Brahmaputra River, originating in Tibet as Yarlung Tsangpo and flowing into India and Bangladesh, is a transboundary river of strategic and ecological significance. The water-sharing dynamics between India and China have become increasingly contentious due to upstream developmental activities by China and the absence of a formal bilateral treaty.
BODY:
One of the major issues is China's construction of dams and hydropower projects in the upper reaches of the river. The Zangmu Dam and the planned mega-hydropower project in the Medog region have raised concerns in India over potential alteration in the flow, sedimentation patterns, and long-term ecological impact.
Another critical issue is the lack of a binding water-sharing agreement between the two countries. Although China shares hydrological data with India during the flood season, there have been instances of data withholding during periods of political tension, impacting disaster preparedness in downstream areas.
Strategically, China’s upper riparian advantage creates an asymmetry that fuels apprehensions in India. There are fears, even if scientifically debated, that China could use water as a political tool. In response, India has announced its own hydropower initiatives in Arunachal Pradesh to assert its riparian rights and offset any perceived vulnerabilities.
CONCLUSION:
The Brahmaputra water-sharing issue highlights the growing importance of hydro-diplomacy in India–China relations. Without mutual trust and institutionalised cooperation, the potential for misunderstanding and conflict over shared water resources will continue to rise.
[2018] Analyse the significance of India's Look East Policy in the light of concerns of the indigenous peoples of North-east India. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India’s Look East Policy, launched in the early 1990s, aimed at fostering stronger economic and strategic ties with Southeast Asia. The Northeast region was envisioned as a natural bridge for this outreach. However, its success hinges on addressing the historical concerns of indigenous communities in the region.
BODY:
The policy promises infrastructure development, connectivity, and economic integration, which could benefit the region. Projects like the India-Myanmar-Thailand trilateral highway and Kaladan multimodal project aim to turn the Northeast into a commercial gateway.
However, indigenous communities fear marginalisation due to large infrastructure projects, land acquisition, and influx of outsiders, which may threaten their cultural identity and livelihoods. Additionally, security-driven approaches and militarisation have deepened mistrust.
The region’s historical neglect, ethnic diversity, and lack of political voice in national policy-making have also made the local population sceptical of top-down development.
CONCLUSION:
For the Look East Policy to truly succeed, it must be made inclusive by prioritising local participation, safeguarding indigenous rights, and adopting a bottom-up developmental approach that respects the socio-cultural uniqueness of the Northeast.
[2017] What are the impediments in the development of South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA)? *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
SAFTA, established in 2006 under the aegis of SAARC, was envisioned to promote intra-regional trade and economic integration among South Asian nations. However, it has faced significant roadblocks in achieving its objectives.
BODY:
The foremost impediment has been political tensions, particularly between India and Pakistan, which have stalled progress in trade liberalisation. Frequent border skirmishes, trust deficits, and lack of diplomatic engagement have paralysed regional cooperation.
There is also a lack of infrastructure and connectivity, such as poor transport and logistic networks, which hampers the physical movement of goods across borders. Non-tariff barriers, cumbersome customs procedures, and limited harmonisation of standards further restrict trade flows.
Another critical factor is the asymmetry in economic size and development levels, leading to concerns among smaller countries about being dominated by larger economies like India.
Moreover, overlapping trade agreements and bilateral deals have diluted the significance of SAFTA.
CONCLUSION:
Unless the region overcomes political hostilities, builds trust, improves connectivity, and reduces trade barriers, SAFTA will remain an underutilised instrument for South Asian integration.
[2017] The Treaty of Perpetual Peace and Friendship between India and Bhutan needs to be revised with more pragmatic, realistic obligations and responsibilities. Comment. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Treaty of Perpetual Peace and Friendship, signed in 1949 between India and Bhutan, laid the foundation for their bilateral relations, particularly concerning non-interference, sovereignty, and foreign policy consultation. However, evolving geopolitical realities have necessitated a more pragmatic revision of its terms.
BODY:
The original treaty granted India significant influence over Bhutan's foreign affairs, which over time was viewed as limiting Bhutan’s sovereignty. Recognising this, the 2007 revised treaty redefined relations by removing the clause requiring Bhutan to be “guided” by India in external matters, thus allowing more autonomy in its foreign policy.
Yet, even post-revision, further refinements may be required. Bhutan's strategic location between India and China places it in a sensitive position. Issues such as border negotiations with China, economic dependency on India, and security cooperation require updated frameworks reflecting mutual respect and evolving responsibilities.
CONCLUSION:
The Indo-Bhutan treaty must continuously adapt to geopolitical shifts, ensuring that the partnership remains rooted in equality, sovereignty, and mutual strategic trust while addressing emerging regional challenges.
[2017] "Despite the differences between India and Pakistan on various issues, Indus Water Treaty has stood the test of times." In the light of this statement, discuss the recent developments over this issue. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Indus Water Treaty (1960), brokered by the World Bank, is often hailed as a rare example of resilience—notwithstanding recurring India–Pakistan tensions. Even during severe political estrangement, the treaty has provided a functional framework for cooperative water-sharing.
BODY:
In recent years, the Treaty’s durability has once again been tested. India has raised concerns over Pakistan’s construction of hydropower projects on the western rivers (Jhelum and Chenab), alleging violations of treaty provisions. Conversely, Pakistan has consistently objected to India’s planned water infrastructure in Jammu & Kashmir—such as the Kishanganga and Ratle hydropower projects—citing potential reductions in downstream flow, especially during winter months.
India maintains that its projects adhere to the Treaty’s technical regulations and aim to optimise regulated water use without compromising essential flow to Pakistan. In 2016 and again in the late 2010s, India issued formal notices indicating Pakistan’s alleged obstruction of treaty provisions: Pakistan failed to approve designs and verifications within stipulated timelines for Indian projects.
The two countries have both resorted to Treaty mechanisms—Conference of the Parties, the Pakistan Court of Arbitration, and the Neutral Expert process—to resolve disputes. While these bodies have occasionally ruled in India’s favor, Pakistan has often questioned the technical basis of the decisions. Despite this friction, both sides have avoided suspension or unilateral re-negotiation, thus preserving the Treaty’s integrity.
CONCLUSION:
Recent tensions over hydropower development reflect evolving challenges but have not fundamentally threatened the Indus Water Treaty’s legitimacy. The mechanisms envisaged in the original agreement continue to mediate conflict, demonstrating that the Treaty remains India–Pakistan’s enduring platform for cooperation in water diplomacy.
[2024] Discuss the potential role that India could play as the leader of the Global South in realising the goal of establishing a new international economic order in the 21st century. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The demand for a New International Economic Order (NIEO) emerged in the 1970s to address the structural inequalities of the global economic system. In the 21st century, with growing multipolarity and economic disruptions, the aspiration for a restructured and equitable global economic framework has regained relevance. As a prominent voice of the Global South, India is well-positioned to champion this cause.
BODY:
India’s growing economic clout, democratic credentials, and leadership in multilateral forums make it a credible leader of the Global South. It can leverage platforms like G20, BRICS, and the India-Africa Forum Summit to advocate for fairer trade rules, technology transfer, climate justice, and development financing.
India's long-standing commitment to South-South cooperation is reflected in its development assistance, concessional credit lines, and capacity-building initiatives. Through mechanisms like the International Solar Alliance and Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure, India is promoting sustainable and inclusive growth models tailored to the needs of the developing world.
Moreover, India’s digital public infrastructure, particularly in fintech and governance, offers replicable models for other Global South nations. It can serve as a bridge between advanced economies and developing countries, voicing the concerns of the marginalized while maintaining strategic autonomy.
CONCLUSION:
India’s leadership in reshaping the global economic order lies in balancing principled solidarity with pragmatic diplomacy. By advocating reform in global institutions and empowering South-South partnerships, India can play a decisive role in building a more just and equitable global economic architecture.
[2024] "Nothing is going to move within the WTO negotiations unless India is on board." Discuss the main reasons behind India’s increased clout in the WTO. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India’s assertiveness and growing influence within the World Trade Organization (WTO) reflect its emergence as a vocal leader of the Global South. As a large developing economy with a strong commitment to multilateralism, India’s position has become indispensable in global trade negotiations.
BODY:
One of the key reasons is India’s economic scale—it is among the top five global economies by purchasing power parity and plays a significant role in global trade, particularly in services, pharmaceuticals, and agriculture.
India also commands influence due to its leadership role in developing country coalitions like the G-33 and G-20 (WTO version), especially in pushing for issues such as public stockholding for food security, special and differential treatment, and resisting pressure for premature liberalisation.
Additionally, India's firm negotiating stance in areas like intellectual property, e-commerce, and investment facilitation has positioned it as a key swing player in consensus-building.
India’s diplomatic activism, especially post-2015, has enhanced its credibility as a representative of developing world concerns within WTO frameworks.
CONCLUSION:
India’s increased clout in the WTO is rooted in its economic size, principled trade positions, and ability to mobilise developing nations. Its participation is now central to any meaningful multilateral trade outcome.
[2023] Why is the compromise reached at WTO regarding the Covid-19 vaccine manufacturing not a Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) waiver? *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
During the COVID-19 pandemic, India and South Africa proposed a TRIPS waiver at the WTO to temporarily suspend intellectual property protections on vaccines and related technologies. However, the final compromise in 2022 fell short of the original proposal.
BODY:
The compromise agreement does not constitute a full TRIPS waiver because it did not suspend IP rights under TRIPS but only offered limited flexibilities. It merely streamlined compulsory licensing procedures for vaccine exports and allowed eligible countries to produce and export vaccines without the patent-holder’s permission, under certain conditions.
Unlike a true waiver, it excluded diagnostics and therapeutics, which were part of the original demand. Moreover, the agreement retained the TRIPS obligations intact and offered only a temporary relaxation of procedural aspects—not a substantive waiver of rights.
The final outcome also restricted the scope of eligible countries, limiting its usefulness to several developing nations with manufacturing potential.
CONCLUSION:
The compromise reflected geopolitical constraints and lobbying by pharmaceutical interests. While it provided procedural relief, it stopped short of a genuine TRIPS waiver, thereby limiting broader access to life-saving vaccines and technologies during a global health crisis.
[2023] What diplomatic steps has India taken to articulate the interests of the Global South in International Politics? *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India has long positioned itself as a voice of the Global South, advocating for equitable global governance, development, and multilateralism. Its diplomacy has increasingly focused on amplifying the concerns of developing nations in international forums.
BODY:
India hosted the Voice of Global South Summit (2023), bringing together over 120 countries to deliberate on shared developmental challenges, climate justice, debt relief, and technology transfer. This summit reinforced India’s leadership role in articulating a unified southern voice.
In multilateral forums like the G20, India has actively promoted inclusive growth, sustainable development, and reform of global institutions such as the WTO, IMF, and UN Security Council. The inclusion of the African Union in the G20 during India’s presidency exemplifies its push for broader representation.
India’s leadership in initiatives like the International Solar Alliance (ISA) and Coalition for Disaster Resilient Infrastructure (CDRI) has further enhanced its developmental diplomacy.
Additionally, India’s South-South cooperation, including lines of credit, technical training, and humanitarian assistance, underlines its commitment to a solidaristic approach.
CONCLUSION:
Through principled leadership, multilateral activism, and development partnerships, India has effectively projected and protected the interests of the Global South in global politics.
[2023] Discuss the major drivers of India's interests in Africa. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Africa has emerged as a vital partner in India's foreign policy, reflecting a blend of historical ties, strategic priorities, and economic imperatives. India's outreach to Africa is guided by South-South solidarity and the vision of a multipolar world.
BODY:
One of the primary drivers is economic engagement. Africa is a key source of natural resources like oil, gas, and minerals. Indian investments in sectors such as pharmaceuticals, agriculture, IT, and telecommunications reflect mutual economic interests. The continent is also a growing market for Indian exports and services.
Energy security is another major factor. Countries like Nigeria and Mozambique contribute significantly to India's oil and LNG imports.
India is also committed to developmental diplomacy through lines of credit, technical training under ITEC, and Pan-African e-Networks, enhancing its soft power and goodwill across the continent.
Geostrategically, India seeks to counterbalance China’s growing influence in Africa. Strengthening ties with African nations supports India’s maritime interests in the Indian Ocean Region and bolsters cooperation in multilateral forums.
Africa’s support is also crucial for India’s global aspirations, including a permanent seat in the UN Security Council and leadership in the Global South.
India’s engagements through platforms like the India-Africa Forum Summit and the emphasis on mutual respect and non-interference further solidify its outreach.
CONCLUSION:
India’s Africa policy is rooted in pragmatism, shared development goals, and strategic calculations, aiming to build a sustainable and equitable partnership that serves long-term mutual interests.
[2022] Discuss the relevance of the demand for New International Economic Order (NIEO) in the present era of globalisation. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The New International Economic Order (NIEO) was proposed in the 1970s by developing countries to restructure the global economic system and address the inequalities perpetuated by colonialism and neo-colonialism. While globalisation promised integration and prosperity, it has often deepened disparities, making the NIEO's principles relevant even today.
BODY:
The current global order is still largely shaped by Western-dominated institutions like the IMF, World Bank, and WTO, which often fail to accommodate the developmental needs of the Global South. Trade protectionism, vaccine nationalism, debt burdens, and unequal access to technology highlight the continued asymmetry in global economic governance.
The NIEO’s call for fairer terms of trade, sovereignty over natural resources, technology transfer, and more equitable representation in international institutions echoes strongly in the era of globalisation. The COVID-19 pandemic exposed the fragility and inequity of global supply chains, reinforcing the need for reforms.
Moreover, issues like climate injustice, where the developing countries suffer most despite contributing least to emissions, demand a reconfiguration of the global economic order in line with NIEO’s distributive principles.
Initiatives such as South-South Cooperation, BRICS, and Voice of Global South summits represent attempts by developing nations to revive the spirit of NIEO and push for a more inclusive and just economic architecture.
CONCLUSION:
Despite evolving contexts, the core concerns behind the NIEO remain unresolved. In an unequal globalised world, the demand for NIEO is not outdated but increasingly pertinent for ensuring justice and equity in international economic relations.
[2021] Write about the growing significance of QUAD. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD), comprising India, the United States, Japan, and Australia, has gained increasing geopolitical importance in the Indo-Pacific amidst rising strategic uncertainties and China's assertive rise.
BODY:
Originally conceptualized in 2007 and revived in 2017, QUAD has evolved from a loosely coordinated grouping to a more structured strategic platform aimed at ensuring a free, open, and inclusive Indo-Pacific.
Its significance lies in the convergence of interests among member states in maritime security, counterterrorism, infrastructure development, supply chain resilience, and emerging technologies. The group has conducted joint naval exercises (Malabar) and enhanced interoperability among their forces.
Beyond security, QUAD has expanded into areas like vaccine diplomacy, climate action, cybersecurity, and critical and emerging technologies, enhancing its soft power profile and global relevance.
For India, QUAD strengthens strategic partnerships, counters Chinese influence in the Indian Ocean, and complements its Act East Policy.
CONCLUSION:
As a plurilateral platform rooted in democratic values and strategic cooperation, QUAD is becoming a central pillar of the Indo-Pacific's evolving security and economic architecture, with growing significance for regional balance and global order.
[2021] Identify the drivers of India's new interest in Africa. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India’s renewed engagement with Africa reflects a strategic recalibration driven by economic aspirations, geopolitical competition, and shared developmental priorities. Africa is no longer viewed merely as a recipient of aid but as a key partner in India’s foreign policy calculus.
BODY:
One of the primary drivers is economic opportunity. Africa, with its growing middle class and natural resource base, offers immense potential for Indian trade, investment, and market access. India has become Africa’s third-largest trading partner and a significant investor in sectors like pharmaceuticals, IT, and agriculture.
Energy security is a critical factor. Countries like Nigeria, Angola, and Mozambique are important energy partners, supporting India’s diversification of supply sources.
Geopolitical strategy is also vital. India’s outreach seeks to balance China's growing footprint in Africa and bolster its own presence through development partnerships, concessional financing, and capacity-building initiatives under South-South cooperation frameworks.
India also seeks global institutional reform, and African support is crucial for India’s aspirations in the UN Security Council and multilateral platforms like WTO and IMF.
India’s diaspora presence in Eastern and Southern Africa further strengthens people-to-people ties and facilitates soft power outreach through education, healthcare, and cultural diplomacy.
Through initiatives like the India-Africa Forum Summit, Pan-African e-Network, and development partnerships, India has strategically deepened its ties.
CONCLUSION:
India’s engagement with Africa is shaped by a mix of economic pragmatism, strategic necessity, and normative solidarity, positioning the continent as a crucial pillar in India's quest for global influence and sustainable development.
[2021] Explain India’s position on the waiver of intellectual property rights on COVID-19 vaccines in WTO. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India has consistently advocated for a temporary waiver of certain TRIPS provisions at the WTO to address global inequities in vaccine access. It argued that pandemic-related medical innovations should not remain behind barriers during a global health crisis.
BODY:
India supported a broad-waiver proposal that covered not only vaccines but also diagnostics, therapeutics, and related technologies. The objective was to enable developing and least-developed countries to manufacture and distribute pandemic-response tools without facing patent infringements. India maintained that equitable access should override proprietary claims in extreme exigencies.
Negotiations ultimately resulted in a limited agreement that streamlined compulsory licensing procedures, focusing only on vaccine exports, and excluded therapeutics and broader technologies. India criticised this outcome as falling short of its original demand, arguing that the agreement retained core IP protections and failed to address systemic barriers faced by poorer nations.
India continued to press for transparent export policies, technology transfer, and more inclusive outcomes in future WTO discussions, reiterating that a genuine waiver must include all medical products and remain flexible until pandemic conditions subside.
CONCLUSION:
India’s WTO position reflects a principled stance: during a health emergency, human lives and equitable access should take precedence over IP norms, and comprehensive reforms are necessary to maintain global solidarity and healthcare justice.
[2020] How do the guiding principles of India-Africa relations seek to enhance harmony and mutual cooperation between India and Africa? *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India-Africa relations are anchored in the spirit of South-South cooperation, historical solidarity, and mutual respect. In 2018, Prime Minister Narendra Modi articulated ten guiding principles that shape India’s outreach to Africa, aimed at promoting inclusive development and strategic partnership.
BODY:
The guiding principles reflect a people-centric and development-driven approach:
CONCLUSION:
India’s guiding principles in Africa reflect a pragmatic yet principled approach rooted in mutual benefit, solidarity, and shared development goals. These principles have enhanced trust, deepened engagement, and laid the foundation for a long-term, sustainable partnership between India and Africa.
[2019] How is India pursuing her foreign policy objectives through the IBSA Dialogue Forum (India, Brazil and South Africa)? *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The IBSA Dialogue Forum, established in 2003, is a trilateral initiative among India, Brazil, and South Africa—three large democracies from Asia, Latin America, and Africa. It aims to promote South-South cooperation and strengthen multilateralism.
BODY:
Through IBSA, India seeks to advance several key foreign policy goals:
CONCLUSION:
IBSA aligns with India’s broader foreign policy vision of multipolarity, equity in global governance, and solidarity among democratic developing nations, making it a vital tool in India’s diplomatic arsenal.
[2018] India's coalitional diplomacy within the WTO has earned it wide appreciation. What accounts for the success of India's coalitional diplomacy? *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India’s coalitional diplomacy in the World Trade Organization (WTO) refers to its proactive role in forming issue-based alliances with developing countries to influence negotiations and safeguard their interests. This has enhanced India’s profile as a leader of the Global South.
BODY:
India's coalitional diplomacy has been successful due to several key factors:
CONCLUSION:
India’s coalitional diplomacy at the WTO is a reflection of its strategic acumen, normative leadership, and commitment to a fair multilateral trading system. By aligning with the developmental concerns of the Global South, India has not only safeguarded its national interests but also emerged as a voice for inclusive global trade governance.
[2018] India's capacity building programmes under the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) has earned much goodwill for it in Africa. Discuss. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Launched in 1964, the Indian Technical and Economic Cooperation (ITEC) programme is a key pillar of India’s development diplomacy, particularly in Africa. It embodies the spirit of South-South cooperation by extending technical assistance, training, and capacity-building to developing countries.
BODY:
Africa has emerged as a primary beneficiary of ITEC, with over 20,000 scholarships offered annually in diverse fields like IT, finance, rural development, agriculture, and entrepreneurship. These programmes are demand-driven and tailored to the priorities of partner countries, enhancing their practical value.
Through initiatives such as the Pan-African e-Network project and telemedicine programmes, India has supported digital and health infrastructure in African countries. Training institutions such as the India-Africa Institute of Foreign Trade and India-Africa Institute of Agriculture and Rural Development reflect long-term investment in institutional capacity.
The ITEC programme promotes goodwill by focusing on human resource development, a priority area for many African nations. Its cost-effective, adaptable, and culturally sensitive approach differentiates it from Western aid models that often come with conditionalities.
Moreover, ITEC alumni, many of whom hold senior positions in their home countries, act as informal ambassadors of Indian goodwill, deepening diplomatic and people-to-people ties. This creates soft power leverage for India in multilateral platforms and enhances bilateral cooperation.
CONCLUSION:
ITEC has become a cornerstone of India’s Africa policy, generating enormous goodwill by addressing the core developmental needs of African societies. It reflects India’s commitment to inclusive, demand-based, and mutually beneficial partnerships with the Global South.
[2018] India's Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS) is a major initiative in the area of South-South Cooperation. Discuss. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Research and Information System for Developing Countries (RIS), established in 1984 under the Ministry of External Affairs, is a policy research institution that promotes international economic cooperation and development partnerships. It plays a significant role in advancing India’s South-South Cooperation agenda.
BODY:
RIS serves as a key intellectual platform for policy dialogue, capacity-building, and knowledge sharing among developing nations. Its contribution lies in shaping ideas, frameworks, and narratives that reflect the interests and aspirations of the Global South.
It has been instrumental in developing and supporting initiatives like the India-Africa Forum Summit, IBSA Dialogue Forum, and BIMSTEC, by providing research-based inputs. RIS also facilitates cooperation in trade, technology, finance, and sustainable development through policy briefs, expert consultations, and multilateral workshops.
A landmark contribution of RIS is its coordination of the South-South Cooperation Research and Information System (SSC-RIS), which documents successful models of cooperation among developing countries. This initiative challenges the dominance of Western aid paradigms by showcasing alternative approaches to development.
Moreover, RIS has been a vocal advocate for equity in global governance, particularly in WTO negotiations, UN development goals, and climate justice debates. By articulating the developmental concerns of the Global South, it enhances India's moral leadership and soft power.
CONCLUSION:
RIS complements India’s diplomatic efforts by providing intellectual leadership in South-South Cooperation. Its research-driven, inclusive, and development-oriented approach strengthens India’s role as a thought leader and constructive partner in global economic governance.
[2017] Suggest measures so that India's partnership with Africa becomes a true symbol of South-South Cooperation, delivering clear-cut economic and political dividends to both sides of the equation. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India-Africa relations have historically been rooted in shared colonial experiences, mutual solidarity, and common developmental aspirations. As South-South Cooperation gains renewed importance, India must move beyond symbolic diplomacy to a result-oriented, equitable partnership with Africa.
BODY:
To make the partnership a genuine model of South-South Cooperation, several strategic measures can be undertaken:
CONCLUSION:
India-Africa partnership must rest on the principles of mutual respect, equity, and shared growth. By combining economic pragmatism with developmental solidarity, India can transform its engagement with Africa into a credible and sustainable model of South-South Cooperation.
[2017] Analyse the stalled progress of Doha Round of WTO negotiations over the differences between the developed and the developing countries. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Launched in 2001, the Doha Development Round of WTO negotiations aimed to correct the imbalances in the global trading system by prioritising the concerns of developing countries. However, the negotiations have witnessed a prolonged deadlock due to persistent divergences between the Global North and South.
BODY:
The major fault line lies in agricultural liberalisation. Developing countries, led by India and the G-33, have demanded meaningful cuts in agricultural subsidies provided by developed nations—especially the US and EU—which distort global trade. However, developed countries have been reluctant to make substantial concessions, citing domestic political pressures.
In contrast, developed countries have insisted on greater market access in industrial goods and services from developing countries, which the latter resist, fearing premature exposure of their nascent industries and social sectors.
Another contentious issue is public stockholding for food security. While countries like India seek protection for such policies under the Special Safeguard Mechanism (SSM), developed nations view them as trade-distorting.
Intellectual property rights, special and differential treatment, and rules on e-commerce and investment are other sticking points, where developing nations view new issues as diluting the development mandate of Doha.
Additionally, the shift towards plurilateral agreements (e.g., Trade in Services Agreement) and the rise of regional trade blocs have undermined the consensus-based multilateralism of the WTO.
CONCLUSION:
The Doha Round remains stalled due to a structural North-South divide in global trade priorities. Unless equitable compromises are made to restore the centrality of development in WTO negotiations, the multilateral trading system risks further erosion.
[2024] Discuss the rationale behind replacing the “Asia-Pacific” strategy with the new term “Indo-Pacific” strategy. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The shift from the term "Asia-Pacific" to "Indo-Pacific" reflects an evolving geopolitical understanding of the region. While "Asia-Pacific" focused largely on East and Southeast Asia, the term "Indo-Pacific" broadens the scope to include the Indian Ocean and highlights the strategic centrality of India.
BODY:
The Indo-Pacific concept recognizes the interconnectedness of the Indian and Pacific Oceans in terms of security, trade, and diplomacy. The rationale behind this change includes:
CONCLUSION:
Thus, the Indo-Pacific reflects a strategic shift towards a broader, interconnected, and inclusive regional architecture that better addresses contemporary geopolitical realities.
[2024] Does the idea of the 21st century as ‘Asian century’ continue to remain feasible given the growing friction between India and China? *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The concept of the "Asian Century" envisions the 21st century as one dominated by the economic, political, and strategic rise of Asian powers, especially India and China. However, rising tensions between these two giants raise concerns over the sustainability of this vision.
BODY:
India and China are projected to be among the top global economies, driving growth, innovation, and regional connectivity. However, their growing rivalry—marked by border disputes (e.g., Doklam 2017, Galwan 2020), strategic mistrust, and geopolitical competition—undermines the foundations of a cohesive Asian century.
China’s assertive Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and deepening ties with Pakistan through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) are viewed by India as encroachments on its strategic space. Meanwhile, India’s embrace of the Indo-Pacific strategy and the Quad is perceived by China as containment.
Economic complementarities remain high, yet mutual suspicion hampers regional cooperation. The lack of trust in multilateral institutions like SCO and BRICS, where both countries are present, further reflects the difficulty of managing bilateral tensions within broader Asian frameworks.
Moreover, the Asian continent is fragmented by historical rivalries, authoritarian regimes, and a deficit of regional cohesion—factors that go beyond just India-China frictions.
CONCLUSION:
While the potential for an Asian century remains, its realization is contingent upon greater regional cooperation and reduced strategic friction between major powers, especially India and China. Without resolving these deep-rooted tensions, Asia risks remaining a continent of competing giants rather than cooperative leaders.
[2024] "India and USA have become such strong strategic partners that they need not become formal allies." Comment. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The statement reflects a strategic reality wherein India and the United States have cultivated a comprehensive and deep partnership across multiple domains without entering into a formal military alliance. This aligns with India’s traditional preference for strategic autonomy and the US's pragmatic interest in issue-based coalitions.
BODY:
India and the USA have witnessed a dramatic transformation in bilateral ties, especially since the 2005 Civil Nuclear Deal. The relationship now spans defence, trade, technology, space, climate, and people-to-people exchanges.
However, a formal alliance is not pursued due to:
CONCLUSION:
India-US ties demonstrate that shared values and converging interests can sustain a strong strategic partnership without the trappings of a formal alliance. This flexible alignment serves both nations’ global aspirations while preserving autonomy and adaptability.
[2023] Arms trade, economic ties and congruent geo-political interests are no longer the three pillars of India & Russia relationship in the emerging strategic context. Comment. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Historically, India-Russia relations were built upon a robust three-pillar framework: arms trade, economic cooperation, and shared geopolitical outlook. However, the post-Cold War realignments and evolving global power dynamics have challenged this traditional structure.
BODY:
1. Arms Trade:
Russia remains a major arms supplier to India, but its dominance has declined. India is diversifying defence procurement from the US, France, and Israel, reflecting a shift towards multi-alignment and indigenisation under 'Atmanirbhar Bharat'. Delays, outdated platforms, and overdependence on Russian equipment have raised concerns. Moreover, the Russia-Ukraine war has disrupted supply chains and cast doubts on Russia’s reliability as a defence partner.
2. Economic Ties:
Bilateral trade remains below potential. Although India imports discounted Russian oil post-Ukraine war, the trade is heavily skewed in Russia’s favour. Connectivity issues, Western sanctions, and lack of synergy in economic structures have impeded deeper economic engagement. Russia's pivot towards China and Central Asia also affects bilateral priorities.
3. Geopolitical Interests:
Previously convergent worldviews have diverged. India’s Indo-Pacific vision, Quad engagement, and closeness with the US contrast with Russia’s strategic embrace of China and criticism of Western-led coalitions. Moscow’s growing ties with Islamabad, including military cooperation, are viewed with suspicion in New Delhi.
Despite these shifts, cooperation persists in:
Yet, the relationship is no longer as deep or exclusive as before. Trust remains, but convergence is conditional and pragmatic, not ideological or strategic as during the Cold War.
CONCLUSION:
India-Russia ties are undergoing recalibration. While arms trade, economic ties, and geopolitical alignment remain relevant, they no longer form the exclusive pillars of the relationship. The future lies in pragmatic cooperation, guided by evolving national interests and strategic autonomy in a multipolar world.
[2023] Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD) performs an important role in India's strategic balancing act to withstand the dominance of China in Asia. Discuss. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD), comprising India, the US, Japan, and Australia, has emerged as a crucial platform for promoting a free, open, and inclusive Indo-Pacific. For India, QUAD functions as a strategic counterweight to China’s growing assertiveness in Asia.
BODY:
China’s increasing aggression in the Indo-Pacific, including its activities in the South China Sea, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and its assertive posture along the LAC with India, have prompted India to engage more actively in the QUAD.
QUAD enables India to:
QUAD’s emphasis on rules-based international order, freedom of navigation, and connectivity infrastructure aligns with India’s Indo-Pacific vision and counters China's attempts at regional domination.
While China perceives QUAD as a containment strategy, India maintains that it is not aimed against any one country but towards securing a stable balance of power in Asia.
CONCLUSION:
In a geopolitically turbulent Asia, QUAD provides India with a non-aligned yet effective framework to manage China’s dominance while safeguarding its sovereignty, enhancing regional cooperation, and promoting a multipolar Indo-Pacific order.
[2022] What are the main drivers for India-Japan Strategic and Global Partnership? *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India and Japan share a time-tested relationship rooted in shared democratic values, mutual respect, and a common vision for peace and stability in the Indo-Pacific. The Strategic and Global Partnership between the two has expanded rapidly in the 21st century, driven by converging economic, strategic, and geopolitical interests.
BODY:
1. Convergence in Indo-Pacific Vision:
Both nations support a free, open, and inclusive Indo-Pacific. Japan’s “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” (FOIP) strategy aligns with India’s Act East Policy and Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative. Their cooperation in the QUAD further strengthens this alignment.
2. Strategic Concerns over China:
China’s assertiveness in the region, including its territorial ambitions in the South and East China Seas and along India’s borders, has prompted both countries to deepen strategic coordination.
3. Economic and Infrastructure Collaboration:
Japan is among India’s largest investors, with key projects like the Delhi-Mumbai Industrial Corridor (DMIC), High-Speed Rail project (Mumbai-Ahmedabad bullet train), and smart city initiatives. Japan supports India’s infrastructure modernisation, particularly in the North-East and connectivity with ASEAN.
4. Defence and Security Cooperation:
The India-Japan Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA), joint military exercises like Dharma Guardian and JIMEX, and naval cooperation reflect growing defence ties. Maritime domain awareness and cyber security are new frontiers of collaboration.
5. Technology and Innovation:
Japan contributes to India’s digital economy, robotics, high-end manufacturing, and R&D sectors. Both countries aim to enhance cooperation in critical and emerging technologies such as AI, quantum computing, and clean energy.
6. Multilateral Cooperation:
India and Japan work together in multilateral forums like G20, East Asia Summit, and UNSC reform efforts. Japan supports India’s bid for permanent membership in the UNSC.
CONCLUSION:
The India-Japan Strategic and Global Partnership is driven by mutual economic interests, shared strategic concerns, and a commitment to shaping a balanced regional order. It reflects a mature, forward-looking partnership that is central to Asia’s evolving geopolitical landscape.
[2022] Explain the significance of Basic Exchange and Co-operation Agreement (BECA) for Indo-US strategic relations. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA), signed in October 2020, is a foundational defence agreement between India and the United States, facilitating geospatial intelligence sharing. It marks a pivotal step in the deepening Indo-US strategic partnership.
BODY:
BECA enables India to access high-end, real-time geospatial data, including topographical, nautical, and aeronautical charts essential for precision military operations and missile targeting. It enhances India's defence preparedness and situational awareness, especially along sensitive borders with China and Pakistan.
The agreement complements other foundational pacts like LEMOA (2016) and COMCASA (2018), collectively enhancing interoperability, secure communications, and logistical support. BECA is particularly significant for joint military exercises, strategic planning, and the modernization of India's armed forces.
Moreover, it reflects growing trust and convergence in Indo-US strategic thinking, especially in the Indo-Pacific region. It also helps India in strengthening its deterrence posture without compromising its strategic autonomy.
CONCLUSION:
BECA has significantly elevated the Indo-US strategic relationship by enabling advanced defence cooperation. It represents India's growing comfort with US-led partnerships while maintaining its sovereign decision-making in global affairs.
[2021] Examine the Geo-strategic points of contention in the bilateral relationship between India and China. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India-China relations, though historically civilisational, have become increasingly fraught with geo-strategic tensions, particularly in the post-1962 war era. These tensions are shaped by unresolved boundary disputes, regional rivalry, and strategic mistrust.
BODY:
1. Border Disputes:
The most prominent contention is the unresolved boundary along the Line of Actual Control (LAC), particularly in Aksai Chin and Arunachal Pradesh. Incidents like the 2017 Doklam standoff and 2020 Galwan Valley clash have further aggravated mistrust.
2. China’s Strategic Alliance with Pakistan:
China’s deepening military and economic ties with Pakistan, including the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) passing through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK), challenge India’s sovereignty and security.
3. Presence in South Asia and Indian Ocean:
China’s growing influence in South Asia—via infrastructure projects in Sri Lanka, Nepal, Bangladesh—and its maritime presence through ports like Hambantota threaten India’s traditional sphere of influence.
4. BRI and Regional Connectivity:
India’s opposition to the Belt and Road Initiative due to sovereignty concerns (especially in PoK) remains a major friction point.
5. Global Power Ambitions:
Both nations vie for influence in Asia and the developing world. Their competition in multilateral forums, like the UNSC and regional groupings such as SCO and BRICS, adds another layer of strategic competition.
CONCLUSION:
The India-China relationship is increasingly defined by geopolitical rivalry. Until border disputes and mutual suspicions are addressed, the bilateral ties will remain shaped more by strategic contention than cooperation.
[2021] “Relations between India and Russia are rooted in history mutual trust/and mutually beneficial cooperation.' Discuss. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India-Russia relations are often described as a “special and privileged strategic partnership,” underpinned by historical ties, mutual trust, and strong diplomatic understanding. This relationship, which began during the Cold War, has continued to evolve across political, economic, and strategic dimensions.
BODY:
1. Historical Foundation of Mutual Trust:
The USSR supported India during critical moments such as the 1971 Bangladesh Liberation War and consistently backed India in the UN Security Council. The 1971 Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation was a landmark in bilateral ties.
2. Defence and Strategic Cooperation:
Russia remains a major supplier of military hardware to India, including Sukhoi jets, S-400 air defence systems, and nuclear submarines. Joint military exercises like INDRA and the cooperation in BrahMos missile development underscore this strategic depth.
3. Energy and Nuclear Collaboration:
Russia has been a consistent partner in India’s civil nuclear energy sector, especially through the Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant. In energy, both countries are enhancing cooperation in oil and gas sectors, including joint ventures in the Arctic and Far East.
4. Political and Diplomatic Alignment:
India and Russia often align on multipolarity and non-interference in internal affairs. They cooperate closely in forums like BRICS, SCO, and G20, and Russia supports India’s aspiration for permanent membership in the UNSC.
5. Emerging Challenges and Diversification:
Despite strong ties, recent India-US proximity and Russia-China alignment have introduced complexities. However, the two countries continue to deepen cooperation in newer areas like space, cyber-security, and the Russian Far East.
CONCLUSION:
India-Russia relations have stood the test of time, adapting to global realignments while retaining their core strength rooted in mutual trust and benefit. For India, Russia remains a dependable strategic partner, and for Russia, India is a key Asian power essential for a balanced multipolar order.
[2020] What are the notable features of the recently concluded pact or the Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA) between India and Japan? How is it likely to address the security concerns of India? *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA) concluded between India and Japan enables reciprocal provision of logistics support, supplies, and services between their armed forces. It marks a significant step in defence cooperation and strategic alignment in the Indo‑Pacific.
BODY:
Under ACSA, both countries can exchange logistical assistance such as fuel, food, spare parts, medical services, and transportation during joint exercises, humanitarian missions, or deployments – without billing each other. This is not a formal alliance but a legally binding mechanism facilitating operational synergy.
The agreement strengthens interoperability, enabling Indian and Japanese forces to coordinate more effectively in air, maritime, and land domains. It complements India’s previous foundational pacts with the United States (LEMOA, COMCASA, BECA) and aligns with Japan’s vision of collective deterrence.
Strategically, ACSA helps India enhance its defence readiness in the Indo-Pacific, particularly in the Indian Ocean Region, where it faces challenges such as maritime insecurity and Chinese expansionism. It also signals shared resolve and credibility, supporting India's naval presence and surveillance capabilities across extended domains.
By deepening bilateral military contacts, ACSA builds trust and confidence between two major democracies, providing operational assurance and enhancing the functional flexibility of Indian forces, especially during emergencies and crisis situations.
CONCLUSION:
The India–Japan ACSA is a pragmatic yet strategically symbolic agreement that boosts India’s security posture in a volatile region. It advances India’s strategic autonomy while reinforcing partnership with a key like-minded power committed to a rules-based regional order.
[2020] Discuss the significance of Indo-US strategic partnership and its implications for India's security and national defence. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Indo-US strategic partnership has evolved significantly in the 21st century, moving from estrangement during the Cold War to a comprehensive global strategic partnership. This collaboration has wide-ranging implications for India’s security and defence preparedness.
BODY:
The partnership is anchored in shared democratic values, converging Indo-Pacific strategies, and the recognition of India as a major defence partner by the US since 2016.
1. Defence Cooperation and Technology Sharing:
India and the US have signed foundational agreements like LEMOA, COMCASA, and BECA, facilitating logistics sharing, secure communications, and geospatial data exchange. These have boosted India’s interoperability with US forces and strengthened its maritime domain awareness.
2. Counterbalancing China:
The growing assertiveness of China, particularly in the Indo-Pacific, has accelerated Indo-US strategic convergence. The US supports India’s role in the Quad and a free, open, and inclusive Indo-Pacific, which enhances India's strategic leverage.
3. Defence Procurement and Joint Exercises:
India has become one of the largest importers of US defence equipment, including Apache helicopters, P-8I aircraft, and M777 howitzers. Joint exercises like Yudh Abhyas and Malabar enhance military-to-military cooperation and operational readiness.
4. Intelligence and Maritime Security Cooperation:
Through platforms such as the Indo-Pacific Command and intelligence-sharing mechanisms, India has improved situational awareness and surveillance capabilities in the Indian Ocean region.
CONCLUSION:
The Indo-US strategic partnership has strengthened India’s defence capabilities, enhanced regional security cooperation, and contributed to strategic deterrence. While India maintains strategic autonomy, its engagement with the US significantly augments its national security posture.
[2020] Explain the defence and foreign policy options of India to address the challenges emerging out of the current India-China standoff at the Line of Actual Control (LAC). *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The India-China standoff at the Line of Actual Control (LAC), particularly after the Galwan Valley clash of 2020, has fundamentally altered the bilateral relationship and raised serious security concerns for India. The situation calls for a calibrated blend of defence preparedness and diplomatic engagement.
BODY:
Defence Policy Options:
Foreign Policy Options:
CONCLUSION:
India’s response to the LAC standoff lies in strategic prudence—asserting territorial sovereignty through robust defence measures while leveraging diplomacy, multilateralism, and economic tools to manage escalation and safeguard national interests.
[2019] Describe briefly China's 'One Belt One Road (OBOR)' Initiative and analyze India's major concerns. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
China’s ‘One Belt One Road’ (OBOR), later renamed as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), launched in 2013 by President Xi Jinping, is an ambitious global connectivity and infrastructure project. It envisions a “Silk Road Economic Belt” linking China with Central Asia and Europe, and a “21st Century Maritime Silk Road” connecting China to Southeast Asia, Africa, and Europe via sea routes.
BODY:
Objectives of OBOR:
India’s Major Concerns:
CONCLUSION:
While OBOR is projected by China as a win-win economic initiative, India views it with deep strategic suspicion due to sovereignty violations and geopolitical ambitions underlying the project. India’s alternative vision—based on transparency, mutual benefit, and respect for territorial integrity—remains central to its response.
[2019] Critically examine India's position on South China Sea Dispute. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The South China Sea (SCS) dispute involves overlapping territorial and maritime claims among countries such as China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Brunei. India, though not a direct party, has taken a principled stand due to its broader strategic and economic interests.
BODY:
India’s Position on the Dispute:
Critical Appraisal:
While India maintains a neutral stance, avoiding direct confrontation with China, its increasing strategic engagements in the Indo-Pacific, including the Quad, signal a more assertive balancing role. However, India avoids militarization or direct involvement, reflecting a cautious yet calibrated approach.
CONCLUSION:
India’s position reflects its strategic autonomy, commitment to international law, and concern for regional stability, balancing its economic interests and geopolitical considerations in a contested maritime theatre.
[2019] How is the current standoff between the USA and Iran affecting India's energy security? *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India, as one of the world’s largest energy importers, is significantly dependent on the stability of the Persian Gulf region. The geopolitical tension between the USA and Iran directly impacts India’s energy security due to its reliance on oil imports through strategic maritime routes.
BODY:
The heightened tensions—marked by sanctions, threats of naval blockades, and potential military escalations—have created uncertainty in global oil markets. The Strait of Hormuz, through which a substantial portion of India's crude oil imports pass, becomes highly vulnerable during such standoffs. Any disruption here would trigger price volatility, raising India's import bills and widening the trade deficit.
India’s energy sector also faces logistical and insurance challenges due to elevated maritime risks. Export sectors like basmati rice and pharmaceuticals have experienced transactional and financial obstacles, as payment channels with Iran are affected by sanctions. This opens opportunities for rival exporters to fill the vacuum.
The Indian government has taken measures such as building strategic petroleum reserves and diversifying sources of energy imports to mitigate these risks. Additionally, the promotion of renewable energy and alternative suppliers from Russia, Latin America, and Africa is being actively pursued to reduce over-dependence on the Gulf.
CONCLUSION:
The USA–Iran standoff underscores the fragile nature of India’s energy security. While proactive measures are in place, continued geopolitical instability necessitates strategic diversification and long-term planning to shield India from external energy shocks.
[2018] Discuss the role of Indian diaspora in promoting Indo-US relations. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Indian diaspora, one of the largest and most influential expatriate communities in the United States, has played an outsized role in shaping Indo-US relations. Their presence influences politics, economy, culture, and bilateral ties, transforming diaspora engagement into a strategic asset for both nations.
BODY:
A key dimension of the diaspora’s influence lies in political advocacy and lobbying. Prominent Indian‑Americans hold significant positions in US politics, business, and academia. Their advocacy has contributed to landmark initiatives such as the civil nuclear agreement and stronger defence and trade cooperation between the two countries.
Economically, Indian professionals in sectors like IT, healthcare, and entrepreneurship have fostered innovation and created networks that promote investment. Diaspora-led start-ups and US‑India joint ventures stimulate economic synergy, technology transfer, and job creation in both countries.
Culturally, the Indian community in the US promotes cultural diplomacy through festivals, media, and academic exchanges. Events like Diwali celebrations, Indian film festivals, and Bollywood collaborations foster mutual understanding and positively shape public opinion in the American electorate.
Diasporic channels also strengthen people-to-people ties through educational exchanges, research partnerships, and collaborations across institutions. Indian students contribute to US universities while fostering long-term linkages and goodwill upon returning home.
During crises—such as global health emergencies or environmental challenges—the diaspora has mobilized resources and highlighted Indo‑US cooperation in aid, medical knowledge sharing, and humanitarian assistance.
CONCLUSION:
The Indian diaspora acts as a powerful bridge between India and the United States, reinforcing strategic convergence in diplomacy, trade, technology, and soft power. Far from being passive expatriates, they are active stakeholders shaping the depth and resilience of the Indo‑US partnership.
[2018] Critically assess the evolving convergence of India and China in the areas of trade and environment. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India and China, as emerging powers and major developing economies, have often found areas of convergence despite geopolitical competition. Trade and environmental cooperation are two such domains where mutual interests have shaped dialogue and engagement, albeit with limitations.
BODY:
In trade, bilateral economic relations have grown substantially since liberalization. China remains one of India’s largest trading partners. Both countries benefit from complementary economic structures—China exports electronics and machinery, while India supplies raw materials and pharmaceuticals. Their collaboration in multilateral platforms like BRICS and SCO also promotes trade liberalization and economic interdependence.
However, the relationship is marred by a large trade imbalance favoring China. India's efforts to push for greater market access, particularly in pharma and IT, have seen limited results. Strategic distrust further hampers long-term commercial alignment.
On environmental issues, India and China have coordinated positions in international climate negotiations. Both have consistently demanded the principle of “common but differentiated responsibilities”, emphasizing equity and historical emissions. The BASIC group (Brazil, South Africa, India, China) showcases their cooperation in resisting binding emission cuts imposed by the developed world.
Simultaneously, competition over renewable energy leadership, differences over implementation of climate goals, and national interests often limit deeper collaboration. China’s Belt and Road Initiative also raises environmental concerns, affecting shared ecological spaces in the Himalayas.
CONCLUSION:
While India and China have demonstrated convergence in trade and environmental forums, the relationship remains transactional and issue-based. Trust deficits and structural asymmetries constrain the full potential of cooperation, necessitating a cautious but pragmatic engagement strategy.
[2018] Do you agree that the growing assertiveness of China is leading to multilayered Indo-Japan relations? Comment. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The rise of China as a militarily and economically assertive power has reshaped the strategic calculus in the Indo-Pacific. In response, India and Japan—both sharing concerns over Chinese expansionism—have deepened their bilateral relations across multiple domains, making their partnership increasingly multilayered.
BODY:
India and Japan have found common ground in maritime security, especially in ensuring the freedom of navigation in the Indo-Pacific. Both nations are wary of China’s activities in the South and East China Seas, and the Malabar naval exercises have emerged as a symbol of growing trilateral security cooperation involving the US.
Economically, Japan has become a critical partner for India’s infrastructure and connectivity development. Projects like the Mumbai-Ahmedabad bullet train and investment in the North-East seek not only to boost development but also to counter China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), particularly its expansion in South Asia.
Diplomatically, both countries emphasize a rules-based international order. They are part of platforms like the Quad, Asia-Africa Growth Corridor, and trilateral dialogues involving Australia or the EU. These initiatives reflect converging interests beyond bilateralism, extending to regional and global governance.
Technology and people-to-people exchanges are also strengthening. Japan’s support in skills development (e.g., “Japan-India Institute for Manufacturing”) further diversifies the partnership.
CONCLUSION:
Indeed, China’s assertiveness has acted as a catalyst in transforming Indo-Japan ties from mere economic cooperation to a comprehensive strategic partnership. The evolving multilayered engagement seeks to balance China’s rise while fostering regional peace, prosperity, and stability.
[2017] How is the 'Belt and Road Initiative' of China going to affect India-China relations? *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), launched in 2013, is China’s ambitious transcontinental infrastructure and connectivity project aimed at enhancing global trade networks. While several countries have welcomed the initiative, India has expressed strategic reservations, making BRI a point of friction in India-China relations.
BODY:
India’s core objection to the BRI lies in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a flagship component of the BRI that passes through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK)—a territory India claims as its own. Participation in BRI would imply a tacit acceptance of this violation of India’s sovereignty, which New Delhi finds unacceptable.
Beyond territorial concerns, India views BRI as a tool of Chinese hegemony, designed to expand its strategic footprint in South Asia and the Indian Ocean Region. Countries like Sri Lanka and Maldives have witnessed Chinese debt-funded infrastructure projects leading to concerns about debt traps and strategic encirclement—the so-called “String of Pearls” strategy.
Moreover, BRI challenges India’s regional leadership by attempting to establish China as the primary engine of connectivity and economic development in Asia. This directly competes with India’s own initiatives like Project Mausam, International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), and the India-Japan Asia-Africa Growth Corridor.
However, the BRI also presents a dilemma for India. Many South Asian neighbors have embraced BRI projects, and India risks strategic isolation if it remains entirely disengaged. Yet, India continues to advocate for transparent, consultative, and rule-based connectivity frameworks aligned with sovereignty and environmental standards.
BRI has also led India to deepen strategic partnerships with like-minded countries, evident in its increasing engagement in the Quad, growing defense cooperation with Japan and the USA, and emphasis on Act East Policy.
CONCLUSION:
The BRI has become a geopolitical fault line in India-China relations. While India recognizes the need for regional connectivity, its concerns over sovereignty, transparency, and strategic autonomy have prevented its endorsement. The initiative, far from being a unifying platform, has added complexity to an already strained bilateral relationship.
[2017] The recent differences between India and Russia are the result of misconceptions than facts. Elucidate. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India-Russia relations have traditionally been marked by strategic trust and historical friendship. However, recent divergences—especially since the post-Cold War global realignments—have given rise to concerns that the relationship is weakening. Yet, many of these differences appear to stem more from misconceptions than fundamental conflicts.
BODY:
A key misconception is that India is moving too close to the United States, thereby diluting its traditional ties with Russia. In reality, India has followed a policy of strategic autonomy, engaging with all major powers without compromising its core interests. Its defence procurement from Russia remains significant, with deals like S-400 missile systems reflecting continued trust.
Similarly, Russia’s increasing engagement with Pakistan, including joint military exercises, has raised alarms in India. However, these developments are largely tactical in nature and do not reflect a strategic realignment. Russia continues to affirm India’s position on Kashmir and remains a reliable defence partner.
Another misunderstanding lies in India’s cautious response to the Ukraine crisis and its abstentions in UN votes. While some interpret this as India distancing from Russia, India’s position is rooted in non-alignment and balancing interests, not a betrayal of ties.
India and Russia continue to cooperate in areas such as energy, nuclear power, defence, and multilateral forums like BRICS and SCO. These shared platforms indicate enduring strategic congruence.
CONCLUSION:
While tactical shifts and new alignments have created the perception of drift, the foundational pillars of India-Russia ties remain robust. The differences are more perceptual than real and can be addressed through strategic dialogue and mutual reassurance.
[2017] The natural behaviour of India and the United States is likely to serve each other's interests. Hence, a deliberate strategy of dovetailing their efforts will obviously benefit both. Elaborate. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India and the United States, as the world’s largest democracies, share fundamental values of liberty, pluralism, and rule of law. Their “natural behaviour” — rooted in democratic governance, market economies, and global engagement — provides fertile ground for strategic convergence. The idea of dovetailing their efforts implies aligning mutual strengths to achieve shared objectives.
BODY:
In the strategic and security domain, both countries face the challenge of China’s assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific. The Indo-US strategic partnership, strengthened through the 2+2 Dialogue, Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA), Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA), and the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QUAD), is emblematic of how converging behaviours can serve mutual interests.
Economically, India offers a large consumer market, skilled workforce, and scope for technology partnerships, while the US contributes investment, innovation, and advanced capabilities. Initiatives like India-US Strategic Energy Partnership, Digital India-US collaboration, and Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI) reflect this synergy.
In the geopolitical sphere, both seek a rules-based international order, freedom of navigation, and counter-terrorism. India benefits from American support in forums like the NSG, while the US views India as a counterbalance in Asia.
However, challenges remain — including trade disputes, visa policies, and India’s engagement with Russia and Iran. Yet, both nations have shown pragmatism in accommodating each other’s core concerns.
The Indian diaspora in the US, robust academic exchanges, and cooperation in clean energy and climate change further reinforce people-to-people ties and policy coordination.
CONCLUSION:
A deliberate strategy of dovetailing Indian and American efforts — in defence, technology, economics, and global governance — will create a mutually beneficial architecture of cooperation. As strategic autonomy and shared values harmonize, the partnership is likely to deepen and define a major arc of 21st-century geopolitics.
[2017] Do you subscribe to the idea that in the new evolving Asian dynamics, Japan and India have not only moved closer in economic cooperation, but also in strategic partnership? *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The shifting balance of power in Asia, marked by China’s rise and regional uncertainty, has compelled India and Japan to deepen ties. This convergence reflects not only economic cooperation but also a growing strategic alignment rooted in shared democratic values and regional interests.
BODY:
In the economic realm, Japan has emerged as a key partner in India’s development. It is one of the largest sources of FDI to India and a major contributor to infrastructure projects like the Mumbai-Ahmedabad High-Speed Rail, Delhi-Mumbai Industrial Corridor, and smart city initiatives. The two nations have also expanded cooperation in innovation, clean energy, and supply chain resilience.
Strategically, both countries have recalibrated their defence policies to counterbalance China’s assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific. The “Special Strategic and Global Partnership”, institutionalized in 2014, emphasizes freedom of navigation, maritime security, and multilateral cooperation.
Joint military exercises like Dharma Guardian and Malabar (with the US) reflect growing interoperability. Defence equipment collaboration and transfer of dual-use technology have added momentum to strategic synergy.
Furthermore, both countries support a rules-based order and reform of global institutions like the UN Security Council. They also collaborate in regional forums such as QUAD, ASEAN+, and East Asia Summit to shape regional norms and connectivity.
CONCLUSION:
In the evolving Asian dynamics, the India-Japan relationship has transformed into a robust partnership combining economic vitality with strategic depth. Their growing convergence is not only a response to regional challenges but also a forward-looking alliance for peace, stability, and prosperity in Asia.
[2024] India must strive to become a semi-permanent member of the UNSC, rather than a permanent member without the right to veto. Comment. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India has long advocated for permanent membership in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), reflecting its population size, economic strength, contributions to peacekeeping, and moral voice. However, debates persist on whether a permanent seat without veto power would dilute India's strategic aspirations.
BODY:
The proposal for a semi-permanent seat—entailing a long-term, renewable term with enhanced responsibilities but without veto—may serve as a pragmatic intermediate step. It could provide India with greater institutional influence without the controversy surrounding the veto.
A permanent seat without veto might risk symbolic presence without real power, while antagonizing existing P5 members who guard the veto jealously. On the other hand, semi-permanent status might allow India to build consensus, project leadership, and negotiate future privileges from a position of legitimacy.
Given that structural reform in the UNSC is stalled due to P5 resistance, a calibrated approach through semi-permanent engagement could enhance India’s global stature while avoiding polarizing debates.
CONCLUSION:
India’s quest for UNSC reform must balance ambition with realism. A semi-permanent role could be a strategic compromise, enhancing its global profile without compromising its long-term aspiration for a full-fledged permanent seat with veto power.
[2023] Discuss the importance of India's role in UN peace-keeping operations as a ground for its claim to a permanent seat in the UN Security Council. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India’s long-standing and active participation in UN peacekeeping operations (PKOs) forms a critical pillar of its credentials for permanent membership in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). As one of the largest troop contributors, India’s commitment reflects its responsibility towards maintaining global peace and order.
BODY:
India has participated in over 50 UN peacekeeping missions since 1948 and has deployed more than 250,000 personnel—the highest from any nation. Its contributions span continents, from Korea and Congo to Lebanon and South Sudan, showcasing India’s global reach and operational reliability.
India’s peacekeeping role is marked not only by numbers but also by professionalism, discipline, and sensitivity to local contexts. Indian troops have earned international acclaim for protecting civilians, rebuilding institutions, and facilitating post-conflict reconciliation.
This operational footprint demonstrates India's adherence to the UN Charter and its commitment to multilateralism and global governance. Such contributions highlight the irony that countries making minimal contributions wield veto power while India remains outside the decision-making table.
Furthermore, India has championed reforms in peacekeeping—advocating greater clarity in mandates, better safety for personnel, and more inclusive representation in command structures. These initiatives enhance India's moral authority within the UN system.
CONCLUSION:
India’s exemplary role in UN peacekeeping is a practical manifestation of its global responsibility. It strengthens its case for a permanent UNSC seat by proving its commitment to international peace and security, thereby aligning power with responsibility in the evolving global order.
[2022] Explain the factors which justify India's claim for a permanent seat at the UN Security Council. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India’s bid for a permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) stems from its growing stature as a responsible global power. The current structure of the UNSC, shaped in 1945, does not reflect the geopolitical realities of the 21st century, necessitating reforms that accommodate emerging powers like India.
BODY:
Several compelling factors justify India’s claim:
CONCLUSION:
India's credentials—democratic values, global contributions, and strategic capabilities—make it a deserving candidate for permanent UNSC membership. Its inclusion would enhance the legitimacy, representativeness, and effectiveness of the Security Council in addressing global challenges.
[2021] Discuss the “Sustainable Development Goals' as set by the United Nations. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are a universal set of 17 goals adopted by the United Nations in 2015 under the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. They provide a blueprint for peace, prosperity, and environmental sustainability, balancing economic growth, social inclusion, and ecological protection.
BODY:
The 17 SDGs, with 169 associated targets, cover a broad spectrum of development priorities:
CONCLUSION:
The SDGs serve as a guiding framework for national governments and international agencies to ensure holistic and inclusive development. Achieving these interconnected goals is essential for a just and sustainable global future.
[2020] Explain the importance of India's claim for a permanent seat in the UN Security Council. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) is the primary body responsible for maintaining international peace and security. India's long-standing demand for a permanent seat in the UNSC stems from its growing role in global affairs and the evolving geopolitical realities of the 21st century.
BODY:
India’s claim for permanent membership is rooted in multiple dimensions:
CONCLUSION:
A reformed UNSC with India as a permanent member would enhance its credibility, legitimacy, and representativeness. Given India’s global stature and responsible behavior, its inclusion is vital for a more equitable international order.
[2019] Analyze the recent trends in India's role in the UN peace-keeping operations. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India has historically been among the largest contributors to United Nations peacekeeping missions. Its ongoing engagement in recent years continues to reflect a proactive and evolving commitment to global peace and security.
BODY:
India remains one of the top troop-contributing countries, deploying personnel across multiple continents—in operations in Africa, the Middle East, and Asia. Recently, Indian contingents have taken on more complex and hazardous assignments, including medical support, logistics, and engineering tasks in high-tension zones.
India’s peacekeepers are widely acknowledged for their professionalism, discipline, and ability to operate sensitively in diverse cultural environments. UN leadership regularly commends Indian units for protecting civilians, maintaining high operational standards, and contributing effectively to peace-building initiatives.
There is a noticeable trend toward increased engagement in strategic leadership roles as well. India has nominated military officers, police chiefs, and civilians to senior command positions in various UN mission headquarters, reflecting its growing acceptance as a decision-making member in peace operations.
Moreover, India has engaged actively in peacekeeping reforms, emphasizing the need for clearer mandates, better training standards, enhanced safety protocols, and fair compensation. It has also integrated technology—including drones, telemedicine, and digital surveillance—to improve mission effectiveness and situational awareness.
CONCLUSION:
India’s evolving engagement in UN peacekeeping—from quantity to quality, from frontline deployment to leadership and reform advocacy—demonstrates its readiness to play a central role in international peace and security. These developments further reinforce India's credentials as a responsible global actor.
[2018] Discuss the various impediments in India's way to a permanent seat in the Security Council. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India has long advocated for a permanent seat in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), citing its population, economic strength, contributions to UN peacekeeping, and moral leadership in global governance. However, several challenges persist in realising this aspiration.
BODY:
A primary impediment is the lack of consensus among current P5 members. While countries like the United States and Russia have expressed support, others such as China remain non-committal or even oppositional, driven by geopolitical rivalries and strategic concerns.
The absence of a unified voice among developing nations also weakens India's case. The African Union, Latin American states, and other regional blocs have their own candidates and priorities, leading to fragmentation in the demand for reform.
Institutional resistance within the UN further stalls progress. The UN Charter reform requires a two-thirds majority in the General Assembly and ratification by all P5 members—making procedural change extremely difficult. Concerns about expanding the veto power to new members further complicate negotiations.
Geopolitical rivalries, especially from Pakistan and China's close alignment, create diplomatic roadblocks. Additionally, some nations argue that India’s human rights record, position on nuclear non-proliferation, and regional conflicts weaken its moral claim.
CONCLUSION:
Despite its legitimate aspirations, India’s path to a permanent UNSC seat is hindered by structural, diplomatic, and geopolitical challenges. Achieving this goal will require sustained multilateral engagement, consensus-building, and continued contributions to global peace and development.
[2017] India has been the largest and consistent country contributing to the UN peacekeepers worldwide. Examine India's role in this perspective. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India has been one of the leading contributors to United Nations peacekeeping missions since their inception. Its commitment reflects a consistent dedication to global peace and security, in line with its foreign policy principle of peaceful coexistence.
BODY:
India has contributed over 250,000 personnel to UN peacekeeping operations, making it the largest cumulative troop contributor. Indian forces have served in volatile regions such as Congo, South Sudan, Lebanon, and Sierra Leone, earning international recognition for their discipline and effectiveness.
India has also championed the inclusion of women in peacekeeping. The deployment of the first-ever all-women Formed Police Unit in Liberia exemplifies its progressive approach.
Beyond personnel, India supports capacity-building efforts in Africa and other developing regions, training peacekeepers and offering technical assistance. Its presence has often focused on civilian protection, reconstruction, and humanitarian support, showcasing a comprehensive approach to peacekeeping.
CONCLUSION:
India's robust involvement in peacekeeping not only underscores its global responsibility but also strengthens its case for a permanent seat in the UN Security Council as a voice for the Global South in maintaining international peace.
[2017] ‘Uniting for Consensus’, also known as ‘Coffee Club’, has opposed the claims of India and other countries over permanent membership of the UN Security Council. Point out their major objections. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The ‘Uniting for Consensus’ group—commonly known as the ‘Coffee Club’—is a coalition of countries opposing the expansion of permanent seats in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). Formed in the 1990s, it seeks reforms that emphasize greater regional representation without creating new permanent members.
BODY:
The major objections raised by the Coffee Club against countries like India gaining permanent membership include:
CONCLUSION:
While India’s claim to a permanent seat is supported by many, the objections of the Coffee Club reflect the complexities of achieving consensus on UN reforms in a deeply divided international system.
[2024] Critically examine India’s persistent refusal to sign the nuclear non-proliferation treaty (NPT) despite being recognized as a de facto nuclear power. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), adopted in 1968, aims to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, promote peaceful nuclear energy, and further the goal of disarmament. India has persistently refused to sign the NPT, even after being recognized as a de facto nuclear power following its 1998 nuclear tests.
BODY:
India’s refusal is grounded in several principled and strategic reasons:
CONCLUSION:
India’s refusal to sign the NPT reflects a realist approach that prioritizes sovereign security interests over normative pressure. Until the NPT is restructured to ensure fairness and universality, India is unlikely to join despite global recognition as a responsible nuclear power.
[2023] India's Nuclear policy is deeply influenced by its cultural beliefs and the pragmatic approach of its foreign policy. Discuss. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India’s nuclear policy is a unique blend of civilizational values rooted in its ancient ethos and a pragmatic strategic outlook. While India upholds moral restraint as derived from its cultural and philosophical traditions, it also aligns nuclear posture with its national security imperatives in a volatile neighborhood.
BODY:
Cultural Influences on Nuclear Policy:
India’s ancient philosophy, notably the concepts of Dharma Yuddha (just war) and Ahimsa (non-violence), profoundly shape its perception of warfare and use of force.
Pragmatic Foreign Policy Considerations:
Despite cultural inclinations, India’s nuclear posture has been shaped by geostrategic realities:
CONCLUSION:
India’s nuclear policy is a nuanced synthesis of idealism and realism. While its civilizational values have restrained aggressive posturing, pragmatic diplomacy and strategic necessity have dictated the development and refinement of its nuclear strategy. This dual influence has allowed India to maintain moral high ground while securing national interest.
[2022] Discuss the reasons behind India's refusal to sign the nuclear non-proliferation treaty (NPT). *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India has consistently refused to sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) since its inception in 1968. It views the treaty as discriminatory and contrary to the principles of sovereign equality and strategic autonomy.
BODY:
1. Discriminatory Nature of the Treaty:
The NPT legitimizes only five nuclear weapon states (NWS)—the USA, Russia, China, UK, and France—based on their possession of nuclear weapons before 1967. All other states are permanently denied that status, creating an unjust nuclear hierarchy.
2. Undermines Sovereign Security Interests:
India faces two nuclear-armed neighbors, China and Pakistan. China, a recognized NWS under NPT, poses strategic challenges, and Pakistan refuses to adopt a “no first use” policy. Signing the NPT would have constrained India’s right to ensure its national security.
3. Lack of Genuine Disarmament Commitment:
Though NPT commits NWS to pursue disarmament, in practice, these powers have modernized and expanded their arsenals. India criticizes the treaty for lacking a time-bound and verifiable disarmament framework.
4. Strategic Autonomy and Policy Independence:
Signing NPT would bind India to a regime that restricts its independent nuclear decision-making. India’s doctrine of “credible minimum deterrence” and NFU (No First Use) are tailored to its specific threat perception.
5. Recognition of India’s Responsible Conduct:
India has gained acceptance as a responsible nuclear power through safeguards, despite being a non-signatory. The 2008 NSG waiver and civil nuclear deals show growing global trust in India’s nuclear posture.
CONCLUSION:
India’s refusal to sign the NPT stems from its principled opposition to nuclear apartheid and its need for a credible security framework. While supporting global disarmament, India demands a more equitable and inclusive non-proliferation architecture
[2021] Examine the evolution of India's role in the global nuclear order. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India’s nuclear journey has evolved from isolation to cautious integration within the global nuclear order. Though outside the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), India has gradually asserted itself as a responsible nuclear power with growing international legitimacy.
BODY:
1. Initial Exclusion and Strategic Autonomy (1948–1974):
India began its nuclear program with peaceful intentions under Homi Bhabha. However, the 1974 “Smiling Buddha” nuclear test marked India’s transition to a nuclear-capable state, resulting in global sanctions and its isolation from the NPT-based order.
2. Continued Defiance and 1998 Tests:
The 1998 Pokhran-II tests officially declared India’s nuclear status. India adopted a “No First Use” policy and a “credible minimum deterrent” posture, emphasizing restraint. Despite global criticism, India refused to sign the NPT or CTBT, asserting strategic autonomy.
3. Engagement with the Global Order:
India gradually aligned its policies with global non-proliferation norms. It enacted laws like the WMD Act (2005) and strengthened export controls. The landmark 2008 Indo-US Civil Nuclear Deal acknowledged India as a responsible nuclear power outside the NPT.
4. Strategic Partnerships and Global Acceptance:
India now participates in nuclear trade through the NSG waiver (2008), and has joined export control regimes like MTCR, Wassenaar Arrangement, and Australia Group. These steps reflect India’s increasing integration into the global nuclear governance system.
CONCLUSION:
India’s evolution in the global nuclear order reflects its ability to balance strategic autonomy with international responsibility. While it remains outside the NPT, its consistent non-proliferation record and rising global profile reinforce its aspiration for formal recognition.
[2020] Discuss the efficacy of India's ‘no first use' policy (nuclear weapons) in the context of the evolving strategic challenges from its neighbours. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India’s nuclear doctrine is anchored on the principle of "No First Use" (NFU), which pledges that India will not initiate a nuclear strike but will retaliate with massive response in case of a nuclear attack. This posture was formalized after the 1998 nuclear tests to reflect restraint and credibility.
BODY:
India’s NFU policy has contributed significantly to regional stability by projecting India as a responsible nuclear power. It reinforces deterrence by promising assured retaliation, and reduces the risk of pre-emptive strikes or accidental escalation.
However, evolving strategic threats from neighbours—especially the nuclear posture of Pakistan and China—have led to debates on the efficacy of NFU.
Despite these pressures, India’s NFU retains diplomatic and normative advantages, projecting India’s moral high ground and reducing the risk of arms race.
CONCLUSION:
India’s NFU policy, though under strain, remains an effective tool for deterrence, international legitimacy, and crisis stability. However, it must evolve through doctrinal review and military preparedness to address emerging security dynamics.
[2019] Given the recent developments in the region, do you think that there is a need to change India's 'No First Use (NFU)' nuclear policy? *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India’s declared nuclear doctrine, adopted in 2003, is based on a credible minimum deterrent and the principle of No First Use (NFU), wherein India pledges not to use nuclear weapons unless attacked by nuclear weapons first. This posture has helped project India as a responsible nuclear power.
BODY:
Recent geopolitical shifts, particularly China’s assertiveness and Pakistan’s tactical nuclear deployments, have raised questions over the continued relevance of NFU.
On one hand, arguments in favour of revising NFU include:
On the other hand, reasons to retain NFU are equally strong:
India has adopted a stance of strategic ambiguity, as reflected in recent statements suggesting that NFU is “subject to future circumstances,” providing space for flexibility without abandoning the core doctrine.
CONCLUSION:
While regional developments necessitate re-evaluation of India’s nuclear posture, an outright shift from NFU may not be desirable. Instead, a calibrated approach that maintains NFU but signals flexibility serves India’s strategic and diplomatic interests best.
[2017] The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) has failed to achieve the ultimate objective of Global Nuclear Disarmament. Discuss the deficiency in the provision of NPT. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), which came into force in 1970, is aimed at preventing the spread of nuclear weapons, promoting peaceful use of nuclear energy, and achieving global nuclear disarmament. However, it has faced severe criticism for failing to ensure meaningful disarmament, especially by the nuclear-weapon states.
BODY:
The primary deficiencies in the provisions of NPT are:
CONCLUSION:
The NPT's inherent asymmetries and ineffective disarmament commitments have undermined its legitimacy. For global disarmament to materialize, equitable reform, verifiable disarmament timelines, and inclusive dialogue are necessary.
[2024] Critically examine the continuity and change in India’s Palestine policy in the wake of the ongoing Israel-Hamas War. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India’s Palestine policy has historically been guided by support for the Palestinian cause, rooted in its anti-colonial ethos and commitment to a rules-based international order. However, recent geopolitical shifts and growing strategic ties with Israel have led to nuanced recalibrations, especially in the wake of the ongoing Israel-Hamas conflict.
BODY:
Continuity in India’s Policy:
India continues to uphold its traditional position of supporting a two-state solution, with a sovereign, independent Palestine coexisting peacefully with Israel, based on pre-1967 borders. India also continues to provide developmental assistance to the Palestinian Authority and votes in favor of Palestine in international forums like the UN.
Changes in Recent Years:
Balancing Realism with Values:
India’s approach reflects the adoption of strategic autonomy—balancing its historical support for Palestine with the pragmatism required in managing its growing strategic relationship with Israel, a major defence and technology partner.
CONCLUSION:
India’s Palestine policy today is marked by continuity in principles but change in tone and emphasis, reflecting the imperatives of realpolitik, regional stability, and evolving global alignments.
[2024] India has of late, chosen to debunk non-alignment in its pursuit of multi-alignment. Comment. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India’s foreign policy during the Cold War was characterized by non-alignment—a principle of not aligning with either power bloc. However, in the contemporary multipolar world, India’s approach has gradually evolved into a policy of multi-alignment, aiming to engage with diverse powers based on strategic interests rather than ideological affiliations.
BODY:
From Non-Alignment to Multi-Alignment:
Rationale Behind Multi-Alignment:
Criticism and Challenges:
CONCLUSION:
India’s move from non-alignment to multi-alignment reflects a pragmatic adaptation to contemporary geopolitics, reaffirming its core objective of strategic autonomy while maximising national interest in a multipolar world.
[2023] What steps has India taken to regain its foothold in Afghanistan since the Taliban has taken over the country in August 2021? *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Taliban’s return to power in August 2021 altered the geopolitical dynamics of the region. Although India has not formally recognized the Taliban regime, it has adopted a cautious yet pragmatic approach to safeguard its interests and re-establish a functional presence in Afghanistan.
BODY:
1. Humanitarian and Development Assistance:
India has delivered essential aid including wheat, medicines, vaccines, and other relief materials to support the Afghan people. These measures were seen as a goodwill gesture and a tool for soft diplomacy.
2. Re-establishment of Presence in Kabul:
India re-opened its embassy in Kabul with a technical team to coordinate humanitarian efforts and maintain diplomatic engagement. This marked a shift from complete withdrawal to minimal but meaningful presence.
3. Diplomatic Engagements:
India has engaged in backchannel and formal talks with representatives of the Taliban. High-level meetings have focused on issues such as humanitarian support, trade facilitation, and regional stability—though without granting formal recognition to the regime.
4. Trade and Connectivity Initiatives:
India has supported the resumption of limited trade, including the import of Afghan agricultural goods. Efforts are underway to enhance connectivity through regional corridors such as the Chabahar Port, bypassing traditional bottlenecks.
5. Educational and Cultural Ties:
India has continued to support Afghan students and professionals through scholarship programs, visa facilitation, and institutional partnerships, ensuring people-to-people links remain strong.
6. Strategic Outreach through Regional Platforms:
India has participated in multilateral initiatives focusing on Afghanistan’s future, including cooperation with Central Asian nations, showcasing its commitment to regional peace and security.
CONCLUSION:
India’s strategy toward Taliban-ruled Afghanistan is driven by realism and restraint. While refraining from formal recognition, India has sustained a multi-pronged engagement through humanitarian aid, selective diplomacy, and regional collaboration to preserve its strategic interests and goodwill among the Afghan people.
[2023] What are the challenges and limitations in India-Iran relations? *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India and Iran have traditionally enjoyed solid historical, cultural, and energy ties, reinforced by shared interests in regional connectivity. But evolving geopolitics, sanctions, and strategic realignments have introduced challenges and limitations in their bilateral engagement.
BODY:
1. Impact of Western Sanctions:
Economic ties between India and Iran have been repeatedly disrupted by international sanctions—especially those imposed by the US. These have affected energy imports, banking transactions, and infrastructure projects like Chabahar Port.
2. Strategic Pressure from Global Powers:
India’s growing strategic alignment with the US and its participation in regional initiatives countering Iran’s influence (e.g., Quad) limits New Delhi’s ability to engage fully with Tehran. This strategic divergence creates friction in balancing external relationships.
3. Regional Rivalries and Trust Deficits:
Iran’s close ties with Pakistan and hints of defence cooperation pose strategic discomfort for India. Trust deficits are further deepened by divergent views on Afghanistan and South Asia’s regional order.
4. Economic Constraints and Trade Imbalance:
Despite the promise of Chabahar Port, trade volumes remain modest. Iran lacks complementarities for India’s export basket, and ambiguous regulatory frameworks deter private investment, limiting economic cooperation.
5. Connectivity and Security Risks:
Projects like the Chabahar-Zahedan railway face delays due to security concerns, terrain challenges, and bureaucratic bottlenecks. Terrorism and volatility in Iran’s border regions further complicate execution.
6. Diplomatic Ambiguities:
India’s refusal to recognize the Taliban and its support for Gulf partners in regional crises constrains its ability to act as an inclusive interlocutor in Tehran’s eyes, weakening bilateral trust.
CONCLUSION:
India–Iran relations remain shaped by converging interests in connectivity, energy, and regional stability. However, geopolitical pressures, divergent strategic alignments, and structural impediments continue to limit deeper cooperation. Navigating these challenges requires India to balance its Western alignments with principled engagement in West Asia.
[2023] Discuss the significance of "West Asia Quad" in the light of India's 'Look West' policy. *(15m)*
[2022] How does India-Israel bilateral ties reflect the autonomy of India's foreign policy choices? *(20m)*
[2022] Discuss India's vision of a New World order in the 21st century. *(15m)*
[2021] How does the recent takeover of Afghanistan by Taliban impact India's strategic interests? *(10m)*
The "West Asia Quad", officially known as I2U2, is a strategic partnership between India, Israel, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and the United States. It represents a shift in regional diplomacy by bringing together economic and technological cooperation with strategic intent. India's 'Look West' policy, which complements its 'Act East' initiative, aims to enhance engagement with the Gulf and West Asian countries.
BODY:
1. Strategic Significance for India:
The West Asia Quad strengthens India’s position in a region vital for its energy security, trade routes, and diaspora interests. It allows India to diversify strategic partnerships beyond traditional bilateralism, especially with the US and Israel.
2. Economic and Technological Cooperation:
The I2U2 initiative aims at collaboration in areas like food security, energy (especially solar and wind), water management, and emerging technologies. This aligns with India’s domestic developmental priorities and helps attract investment and innovation from technologically advanced partners.
3. Enhancing India’s Role as a Balancer:
By participating in I2U2, India demonstrates its ability to navigate complex relationships — especially between Israel and Arab countries — and position itself as a credible and neutral development partner, enhancing its diplomatic profile in the region.
4. Complementarity with Look West Policy:
India's Look West Policy envisions deeper engagement with West Asia in economic, cultural, and security dimensions. I2U2 operationalises this vision by institutionalising cooperation in a multilateral setting, thus translating policy intent into action.
5. Strategic Messaging to Rivals:
The grouping signals India's readiness to shape regional architectures and balance Chinese influence in the Middle East, especially amid China's growing footprint through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).
CONCLUSION:
The West Asia Quad (I2U2) reflects India's pragmatic multilateralism and serves as a cornerstone of its 'Look West' policy. It enables India to deepen cooperation in energy, trade, and technology while enhancing its strategic presence in a region crucial for its national interests.
[2020] The war in Afghanistan is crucial from the point of view of India's national security. If the Americans withdraw and Jihadis emerge with a sense of triumphalism, India will face increasing onslaught of terrorism. Comment. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION:
Afghanistan has historically acted as a strategic buffer and a critical node in regional security. The prolonged conflict and the recent American withdrawal have triggered concerns for regional powers, especially India, which has deep developmental stakes in the region and remains vulnerable to spillover effects of extremism and terrorism.
BODY:
The withdrawal of US troops from Afghanistan has emboldened radical Islamist forces, particularly the Taliban and affiliated jihadist groups. Their victory is often interpreted in extremist circles as a triumph over Western liberal democracy, which could motivate cross-border jihadist movements.
India has been a consistent developmental partner of Afghanistan, having invested over $3 billion in infrastructure, education, and capacity-building. However, a Taliban-dominated regime with links to Pakistan-based terror groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) poses a direct threat to Indian security, especially in Kashmir and the broader South Asian region.
The return of the Taliban regime also creates a vacuum for other global terrorist outfits like Al-Qaeda and ISIS-K to regroup. This raises the spectre of Afghanistan becoming a safe haven for transnational terrorism, echoing pre-9/11 dynamics. Furthermore, Pakistan’s strategic depth doctrine may lead to more assertive anti-India posturing using Afghanistan-based proxies.
For India, the security challenge is compounded by the limitation of its diplomatic outreach to the Taliban, given its historical alignment with anti-Taliban forces. The absence of a stable regional security framework further complicates India’s counter-terror strategy.
CONCLUSION:
India must proactively recalibrate its Afghan policy, strengthen intelligence cooperation, and enhance strategic ties with regional stakeholders like Iran and Russia. Without such measures, the triumphalism of jihadist forces post-US withdrawal could pose a renewed and potent threat to India's national security and regional stability.
[2020] Identify the key sectors of cooperation between India and Israel since 2014. Examine their significance in strengthening the bilateral ties between the two countries. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India-Israel relations have deepened considerably since 2014, marked by high-level visits, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s historic trip to Israel in 2017. The partnership, while rooted in defense and security, has broadened to encompass a range of strategic sectors.
BODY:
Key sectors of cooperation include:
CONCLUSION:
These multifaceted collaborations have elevated India-Israel ties from transactional to strategic. The complementarity of Israeli technology and Indian scale makes this partnership crucial for India's developmental goals and regional security aspirations.
[2020] Critically examine the role of India in shaping the emerging world order. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION:
India, as the world’s largest democracy and a rising economic and strategic power, is increasingly seen as a key player in shaping the emerging multipolar world order. With a foreign policy marked by strategic autonomy and global engagement, India’s influence has grown across sectors and regions.
BODY:
India’s role in shaping the emerging world order can be examined through various dimensions:
CONCLUSION:
India’s contributions to peacekeeping, climate negotiations, regional stability, and economic governance demonstrate its growing importance in shaping a just and multipolar world order. However, internal challenges and regional tensions may limit its influence unless addressed systematically.
[2019] How is India responding to the idea of Indo-Pacific? *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION:
The Indo-Pacific is a strategic construct that links the Indian and Pacific Oceans as a singular geopolitical space. It has gained prominence with the rise of China and the shift in global economic and strategic focus to this region. India has actively embraced the Indo-Pacific vision as part of its evolving foreign policy.
BODY:
India's response to the Indo-Pacific idea has been proactive and multidimensional:
CONCLUSION:
India views the Indo-Pacific not as a containment strategy but as an inclusive framework to promote cooperation, stability, and prosperity. It aligns with India’s broader strategic aim of asserting its leadership role in the evolving global order.
[2019] Write a brief note on India's interests in West Asia. *(15m)*
INTRODUCTION
West Asia, due to its strategic geography, energy resources, and large Indian diaspora, holds significant importance for India’s foreign policy. It acts as India’s extended neighbourhood and plays a pivotal role in shaping its energy security, trade, and strategic interests.
BODY
India’s interests in West Asia span across multiple dimensions:
CONCLUSION
India’s engagement with West Asia is driven by pragmatic interests rooted in energy security, economic cooperation, diaspora welfare, and strategic balancing. With the region in flux, India's calibrated and multi-vector approach remains central to protecting its long-term national interests.
[2019] Evaluate India's vision of a new world order. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION
India’s vision of a new world order is rooted in its historical commitment to peace, justice, and equitable development. Influenced by Nehruvian ideals and Gandhian philosophy, India advocates for a multipolar world where sovereignty, non-alignment, and democratic values are respected, and global governance is more inclusive and representative.
BODY
India envisions a reformed multilateralism where institutions like the United Nations, WTO, and IMF reflect contemporary global realities. Its push for UNSC reforms, especially permanent membership for developing countries including itself, underscores its belief in equitable representation. India supports a rule-based international order, emphasizing peaceful resolution of disputes and adherence to international law. Economically, India promotes South-South cooperation and the demand for a New International Economic Order (NIEO), seeking fairer terms of trade, technology access, and development finance for the Global South. Strategically, India’s Act East, Think West, and Indo-Pacific outreach signal its interest in a free, open, and inclusive regional order. Its emphasis on connectivity, maritime security, and counter-terrorism reinforces this. India’s climate diplomacy, leadership in the International Solar Alliance, and advocacy for sustainable development goals reflect its normative vision of global stewardship. However, challenges persist. India’s balancing between strategic autonomy and deeper alignment (e.g., QUAD vs BRICS) has led to ambiguities. Moreover, domestic issues like human rights and democratic backsliding have invited international scrutiny, affecting its normative clout.
CONCLUSION
India’s vision of a new world order is aspirational, seeking a just, multipolar, and democratic global system. While it continues to wield influence through coalitions and norm entrepreneurship, realizing this vision will require consistent domestic governance, economic strength, and strategic clarity on global issues.
[2019] "The growing closeness between India and Israel will strengthen the cause of Palestine." Comment. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION
India has historically maintained a balanced approach in West Asia, supporting the Palestinian cause while simultaneously nurturing strategic ties with Israel. The growing closeness with Israel in recent decades has led to speculation on whether this alignment undermines or paradoxically strengthens India’s pro-Palestine stance.
BODY
India’s relationship with Israel has seen significant growth in areas like defence, agriculture, water management, and counter-terrorism. Despite this, India continues to reaffirm its support for a sovereign, independent, and viable Palestine. The argument that closer India-Israel ties may strengthen the Palestinian cause rests on India’s strategic credibility and its ability to act as a bridge between the two adversaries.
India’s balanced voting record at the UN, continued development assistance to Palestine, and high-level visits to Ramallah reflect that the increased engagement with Israel has not resulted in abandoning Palestine. In fact, India’s enhanced stature in Israel may offer it diplomatic leverage to nudge Tel Aviv towards a peaceful resolution with the Palestinians. This is in line with India’s traditional non-aligned, multilateralist stance and emphasis on a two-state solution.
CONCLUSION
Thus, the growing India-Israel partnership does not inherently contradict India’s support for Palestine. If pragmatically used, this strategic equation can strengthen India’s role as a constructive intermediary in the West Asian peace process, lending credibility and continuity to its long-standing support for the Palestinian cause.
[2018] Evaluate India's stand on the recent Rohingya refugee issue. *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION
India’s stance on the Rohingya refugee crisis reflects its dual concerns over humanitarian obligations and national security. While India acknowledges the legitimate plight of refugees fleeing persecution in Myanmar, it remains cautious due to domestic, legal, and strategic considerations.
BODY
India initially provided temporary refuge to Rohingya fleeing violent repression in Rakhine State, but later clarified that such entry was not part of a formal asylum policy. Security and demographic concerns—especially about illegal migration and potential radicalisation—have led India to view most Rohingya arrivals as undocumented immigrants subject to deportation. The government has cited mortality risks in Rakhine, especially for the elderly and infirm, and coordinated with UN agencies to evacuate such vulnerable individuals on humanitarian grounds. Nevertheless, India remains firm on refusing to grant formal refugee status or citizenship, arguing that mass admission could set a precedent undermining domestic law and border integrity. Diplomatic efforts include urging Myanmar to ensure safe and voluntary return, but broader political settlement and refugee rights have not been actively supported. India also engages with ASEAN and Bangladesh to advocate for regional approaches to Rohingya repatriation and rehabilitation.
CONCLUSION
India’s position is a calibrated balance between limited humanitarian outreach—particularly for vulnerable cases—and a firm policy against large-scale admission due to security and demographic sensitivities. Its response underscores cautious pragmatism, but also reflects restraint in promoting refugee protection beyond minimal humanitarian intervention.
[2018] Do you think that India's capacity building role in Afghanistan has shrunk the strategic space for Pakistan there? Discuss. *(20m)*
INTRODUCTION
India’s capacity building efforts in Afghanistan have focused on infrastructure development, human resource training, and institution-building. These efforts, framed within a ‘soft power’ approach, contrast with Pakistan’s strategic depth doctrine, which historically sought to exert direct political and military influence in Afghanistan.
BODY
India has invested over $3 billion in various development projects in Afghanistan, including the construction of the Afghan Parliament, the Salma Dam (Afghan-India Friendship Dam), and the Zaranj-Delaram highway. These projects have not only enhanced connectivity and economic prospects in Afghanistan but also significantly raised India’s profile and goodwill among Afghan citizens and institutions. Additionally, India's training of Afghan civil servants, doctors, and military officers has created long-term institutional linkages that foster pro-India sentiment in Kabul. This capacity-building has offered an alternative model of engagement, especially during the period of the democratic Afghan republic, thereby shrinking the room for Pakistan to dominate Afghan policy decisions.
However, Pakistan continues to wield considerable influence through its support to the Taliban and its deep intelligence networks. The return of the Taliban in 2021 has arguably limited India’s direct role, yet even then, India’s developmental credentials have kept diplomatic engagement channels open, including humanitarian assistance and reopening of its embassy in Kabul in a limited capacity. This suggests that India’s long-term developmental footprint continues to resonate in Afghan society, even if its immediate influence has been constrained by political shifts.
CONCLUSION
While India’s capacity building has not eliminated Pakistan’s strategic clout in Afghanistan, it has significantly reoriented Afghan preferences by offering a developmental partnership. This has reduced Pakistan’s uncontested dominance and introduced a competing vision for Afghanistan’s future.
[2017] Has the recent Indo-Israeli relationships given a new dynamics to India's stand on Palestinian statehood? *(10m)*
INTRODUCTION
India’s Indo-Israel relationship has evolved significantly, especially since 2017, encompassing defence, technology, and diplomacy. This deepening engagement has prompted questions about whether it has altered India’s position on Palestinian statehood.
BODY
India continues to uphold its historic support for Palestinian self-determination and a two-state solution, reaffirming this position in international forums such as the UN. Despite growing goodwill with Israel, bilateral cooperation has not undermined its consistent voting patterns or diplomatic messaging in favour of Palestine. In fact, India's strengthened ties with Israel may provide leverage: by engaging Israel bilaterally, India may potentially influence Tel Aviv’s posture on Palestinian issues.
India’s development assistance to the Palestinian Authority—including education, capacity building, and infrastructure projects—continues unaffected. The country also maintains symbolic gestures, such as dedicating a hospital in Ramallah and supporting Palestinian scholarships at Indian institutions.
India’s strategic outreach is based on pragmatism and balance. It seeks to build partnerships that serve its technology and security needs without abandoning its moral and diplomatic support for Palestine. Consequently, Indo-Israeli cooperation has introduced more nuance, not a reversal, in India’s policy on Palestinian statehood.
CONCLUSION
India’s closer relations with Israel have not fundamentally changed its posture on Palestine. Instead, the evolving engagement has allowed India to exercise diplomatic leeway—continuing its support for Palestinian aspirations while deepening multifaceted ties with Israel, affirming its role as a balanced regional interlocutor rather than a partisan.
